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I 

PUBLISHED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF  THE 

Department  of  History 

FROM  THE  INCOME  OF 

THE  HENRY  WELDON  BARNES 
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in  2016 


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The  Colonising  Activities  of 
THE  English  Puritans 


The  Last  Phase  of  the  Elizabethan 


Struggle  with  Spain 


By 


./ 


ARTHUR  PERCIVAL  NEWTON 


Lecturer  in,  Colonial  History,  University  of  London 


With  an  Introduction 


BY 

CHARLES  M.  ANDREWS 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
LONDON:  HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
OXFORD  university  PRESS 
MDCCCCXIV 


Copyright,  1914,  by 
Yale  University  Press 


First  printed  January,  1914,  1000  copies 


INTRODUCTION 


The  first  forty  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  in 
England,  primarily  of  interest  as  a period  of  constitu- 
tional conflict,  was  marked  by  an  outburst  of  romantic 
activity  that  sent  hundreds  of  Englishmen  out  into  the 
western  seas  in  search  of  adventure  and  profit.  Coinci- 
dent with  the  later  days  of  these  half-piratical  expedi- 
tions and  organised  commercial  enterprises  were  the 
migrations  of  those  who,  moved  by  impulses  that  were 
partly  religious,  partly  political,  and  partly  economic, 
sought  independence  of  worship  and  permanent  homes 
in  the  New  World.  Though  differing  widely  in  purposes 
and  results,  these  journeyings  into  the  unknown  West 
were  often  closely  related  in  origin,  and  were  supported 
by  groups  of  men,  aristocrats,  commoners,  merchants, 
and  adventurers,  who  were  ready  to  promote  any  under- 
taking, whether  commercial  or  religious,  that  promised 
a profitable  return.  It  is  difficult  to  grasp  the  full  signifi- 
cance of  the  settlements  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Saybrook,  without  a knowledge  of  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  colonies  of  Bermuda, 
Barbadoes,  and  Old  Providence  were  established;  for  all 
represented  in  different  forms  and  proportions  the  in- 
fluences at  work  in  the  motherland  which  were  arousing 
in  men  of  all  classes  the  spirit  of  adventure  and  revolt. 
No  single  motive  governed  the  men  who  voyaged  over 
seas  during  this  romantic  period.  The  zeal  of  the  viking 
and  the  lust  of  the  capitalist  were  inextricably  inter- 
woven with  the  hopes  of  the  godly  in  the  task  of  opening 
and  occupying  the  great  frontier  which  stretched  west- 
ward from  the  maritime  states  of  Europe. 


VI 


INTRODUCTION 


In  dealing  with  the  events  of  this  period  the  historian 
cannot  isolate  a part  of  his  subject  and  observe  it,  as  it 
were,  in  vacuo.  Such  treatment  is  illogical  in  ignoring 
the  unity  of  causes  which  provoked  colonial  enterprise, 
and  incomplete  in  omitting  many  phases  of  the  larger 
movement  that  are  essential  to  a proper  understanding, 
not  only  of  the  whole,  but  of  any  of  its  parts.  Hitherto, 
the  picture  of  our  settlement  in  the  period  from  1607  to 
1640  has  been  left  provokingly  incomplete,  and,  in  conse- 
quence, estimates  and  conclusions  have  been  reached  that 
are  often  exaggerated,  sometimes  even  grotesque. 
Writers  on  early  American  history  have  been  accus- 
tomed, as  a rule,  to  segregate  individual  etforts  at 
colonisation  and  to  deal  with  them  as  independent 
phenomena,  thus  giving  to  our  era  of  beginnings 
the  appearance  of  a running  track,  laid  out  in  sepa- 
rate and  mutually  exclusive  courses.  However  agree- 
able this  form  of  procedure  may  be  to  those  whose 
interest  is  limited  to  the  history  of  a single  colony,  and 
whose  chief  concern  is  a microscopic  examination  of  the 
incidents  of  that  colony’s  career,  it  cannot  be  satisfactory 
to  those  to  whom  settlement  on  the  American  seaboard 
was  but  part  of  a larger  commercial  and  colonising  move- 
ment in  the  wider  world  of  the  Atlantic  basin,  where  all 
the  maritime  enemies  of  Spain  were  engaged  in  the 
effort,  successful  in  the  end,  to  break  the  monopoly  of  the 
great  Colossus. 

As  a contribution  to  this  aspect  of  our  early  history, 
I welcome  Mr.  Newton’s  book.  Though  dealing  pri- 
marily with  the  colonising  experiments  of  the  English 
Puritans  in  the  Caribbean,  the  author  ranges  over  the 
larger  field  of  English  activity  during  the  eventful  years 
from  1604  to  1660  and  gives  us  a point  of  view  from 
which  to  observe  the  happenings  in  the  New  World. 
Thus  to  no  small  extent  his  work  fills  in  the  missing 


INTRODUCTION 


vii 

parts  of  our  picture  and  renders  intelligible  aspects  of 
the  scene  that  had  hitherto  remained  obscure.  Though 
many  phases  of  the  subject  still  need  to  be  investigated 
with  the  same  painstaking  care  that  is  here  expended 
on  the  history  of  the  Puritan  movement,  yet  the  angle 
of  observation  is  rightly  selected  and  the  character  of 
the  period  is  determined  with  accuracy  and  skill.  At 
many  points  the  narrative  touches  the  “original”  colo- 
nies and  throws  needed  light  on  details  of  their  history. 
This  is  particularly  true  of  the  origins  of  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  and  the  short-lived  settlement  of  Say- 
brook,  but  it  is  also  true  of  the  later  history  of  New 
England  and  of  the  relations  of  the  Puritans  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  with  the  aristocratic  and  conservative 
Puritans  at  home.  Many  passages  in  Winthrop’s  journal 
take  on  a new  meaning,  and  the  unity  of  Puritan  activity, 
in  England  and  New  England  and  the  Caribbean,  mani- 
fests itself  with  striking  significance.  In  short,  we  get 
glimpses  of  ourselves  from  the  outside  and  an  oppor- 
tunity of  comparison  that  cannot  but  be  beneficial.  Self- 
contemplation is  never  conducive  to  soundness  of  judg- 
ment, if  indulged  in  without  regard  to  the  world  around 
us. 

Mr.  Newton  has  done  more  than  fill  in  our  picture  and 
set  before  us  a new  point  of  view.  He  has  presented  an 
exceedingly  interesting  account  of  a colonial  settlement, 
hitherto  almost  unknown  and,  except  in  one  or  two 
features,  entirely  unstudied.  The  ample  material  that 
exists  for  the  history  of  the  Providence  Company  and 
its  colonising  ventures  enables  the  author  to  deal  fully 
with  the  company,  its  organisation,  personnel,  and 
methods;  with  the  colony,  its  types  of  settlers,  manner 
of  settlement,  forms  of  cultivation,  staples,  labour,  diffi- 
culties, quarrels,  and  other  hindrances  to  success;  and, 
lastly,  with  the  relations  between  the  two,  government. 


INTRODUCTION 


viii 

defence,  supplies,  and  distribution  of  profits.  Not  only 
is  such  a study  of  interest  as  showing  the  prevailing 
ideas  of  the  period  regarding  a plantation,  but  it  is 
particularly  suggestive  as  a Puritan  experiment,  similar 
in  its  inception  and  spirit,  during  the  early  years  of  its 
career,  to  the  colony  of  Massachusetts.  As  Mr.  Newton 
says,  “The  founders  of  both  vfished  to  provide  a refuge 
for  the  oppressed  victims  of  Laud’s  ecclesiastical 
regime,  each  was  to  be  a sanctuary  where  the  Puritans 
might  worship  God  after  their  own  fashion,  each  was  to 
be  a society  ordered  according  to  the  dictates  of  religion 
and  governed  with  justice  and  equity,  but  upon  the 
strictest  Puritan  pattern.”  That  the  Providence  settle- 
ment failed  was  in  part  due  to  its  location  in  the  heart 
of  the  Spanish  Main,  and  in  part  to  the  fact  that  “the 
founding  of  an  ideal  community  and  the  pursuit  of  a 
profitable  investment  for  trading  capital  are  incom- 
patible aims.”  The  student  of  New  England  history 
cannot  but  profit  from  a study  of  an  experiment  that 
presents  so  many  points  in  common  with  the  Puritan 
settlements  there. 

Of  equal  importance  with  the  light  thrown  on  the 
colonising  activities  of  the  period  is  the  information 
furnished  regarding  the  political  situation  in  England 
and  the  connection  of  the  members  of  the  company, 
particularly  John  Pym  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  with 
organised  resistance  to  the  personal  government  of 
Charles  I.  The  English  Puritans  formed  a veritable 
clan,  intimately  bound  together  by  ties  of  blood,  mar- 
riage, and  neighbourhood,  and  they  acted  together  in  all 
that  concerned  colonisation  on  one  hand  and  autocratic 
rule  on  the  other.  The  genealogical  features  of  the  book 
form  an  impressive  commentary  upon  the  religious  and 
political  groupings  of  the  period,  a commentary  the  more 
significant  in  that  the  company,  which  became  the  nucleus 


INTRODUCTION 


IX 


of  resistance,  was  active  as  a chartered  body  during  the 
very  years  when  Charles  I was  endeavouring  to  rule 
without  parliament.  In  the  months  of  1637,  at  a critical 
time  in  the  constitutional  conflict,  “nothing  less  was  in 
process  of  formation,”  says  Mr,  Newton,  “than  the  first 
organised  political  party  of  opposition  to  an  English 
government,  ’ ’ and  of  this  party  John  Pym,  the  treasurer 
of  the  company,  was  the  leader  and  energising  force.  To 
the  life  of  King  Pym,  the  author  has  contributed  a 
valuable  chapter,  disclosing  the  importance  of  his  activi- 
ties during  a period  of  obscurity,  to  which  Gardiner  was 
able  to  devote  but  a few  lines  in  his  elaborate  article  on 
Pym  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.  As  this 
period  coincided  also  with  the  great  migration  to  New 
England,  so  careful  a study  of  Puritan  plans  and  pur- 
poses furnishes  a needed  background  to  New  England 
history,  and  sets  forth  for  the  first  time  the  facts  regard- 
ing the  proposed  withdrawal  of  the  Puritan  “Lords  and 
Gentlemen”  from  the  Old  World  to  the  New. 

In  the  larger  field  of  international  relations,  the  Provi- 
dence Company  played  a conspicuous  part.  Starting  as 
a Puritan  colony,  it  merged  into  a privateering  centre 
of  warfare  upon  Spanish  possessions  in  the  West  Indies 
and  on  the  Main.  Mr.  Newton  shows  clearly  that  the 
Puritan  company  perpetuated  the  Elizabethan  tradition 
of  hostility  to  Spain,  which  continued  for  more  than 
seventy  years  after  the  Armada,  partly  because  religious 
warfare  was  still  a vital  force  during  the  first  half  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  and  partly  because  with  the 
opening  of  the  colonising  era  a new  rivalry  arose  for 
the  possession  of  profitable  vantage  points  in  the  West. 
The  story  of  the  Providence  Company  is,  therefore,  the 
story  of  organised  opposition  to  Spain  in  the  Caribbean ; 
and  its  leaders,  after  the  failure  of  their  settlement,  by 
handing  on  the  traditional  policy  to  Cromwell  and  the 


X 


INTRODUCTION 


men  of  the  Protectorate,  prolonged  the  conflict  to  the 
very  eve  of  the  Restoration.  Apart  from  the  main  theme 
of  the  book,  this  abiding  hostility  to  Spain  is  perhaps 
the  most  conspicuous  feature  of  the  narrative,  and  fur- 
nishes the  connection  between  the  deeds  of  Elizabethan 
seamen,  the  commercial  enterprises  of  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, the  work  of  the  Providence  Company,  the  voyages 
of  William  Jackson  at  the  time  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
the  Jamaican  expedition  of  Cromwell,  and  the  plans  for 
an  anti-Spanish  West  Indian  company  drafted  by  the 
merchants  and  sea  captains  at  the  close  of  the  Inter- 
regnum. In  this  respect,  as  in  many  others,  Mr.  Newton 
has  been  able  to  gather  scattered  threads  into  an  orderly 
narrative  and  to  give  unity  and  meaning  to  many  events 
hitherto  treated  in  isolation.  His  book  is  of  importance 
to  English  and  American  readers  alike. 

Charles  M.  Andrews. 

Yale  University, 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Author’s  Introduction  ....  1 

I.  Beginnings  of  English  Colonisation  . 13 

II.  Puritan  Emigration  and  the  Formation  of 

the  Providence  Company  . . 40 

III.  The  Saybrook  Project  and  the  Settle- 

ment of  Providence  ...  80 

IV.  The  Planting  of  Tortuga  (Association) 

and  Troubles  in  Providence  . . 101 

V.  Enlargement  of  the  Activities  of  the 

Company  .....  123 

VI.  Progress  and  Controversy  in  Association 

and  Providence  ....  146 

VII.  Projected  Emigration  to  Connecticut: 

Saybrook  .....  172 

VIII.  Spanish  Attacks  and  the  Company’s 

Change  of  Policy  ....  187 

IX.  Counter  Attacks  .....  209 

X.  The  Providence  Company  and  the  Ship- 

Money  Case  .....  236 

XI.  The  Pinal  Reconstruction  of  the  Company  248 

XII.  Trade  with  the  Main;  French  Capture 

of  Tortuga  .....  272 

XIII.  The  Company  and  New  England  . . 283 

XrV.  Capture  of  Providence  by  Spain  . . 294 

XV.  The  Abiding  Influence  of  the  Providence  ^ 

Company’s  Enterprises  . . 314 


THE  COLONISING  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE 
ENGLISH  PURITANS 


AUTHOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


Nowhere,  perhaps,  in  the  great  field  of  historic  enquiry 
has  there  been  during  the  past  half-century  more  patient 
searching  than  in  that  corner  where  were  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  the  modern  constitutional  liberties  of  two 
- great  nations,  the  English  and  the  American.  Writing 
now  nearly  thirty  years  ago,  one  of  the  most  diligent  of 
historical  investigators  said  of  the  period  he  had  pecu- 
liarly made  his  own:  “The  subject-matter  has  been 
already  attempted  by  writers  of  no  mean  reputation, 
some  of  whom  succeeded  in  convincing  their  readers 
that  there  is  nothing  more  to  be  said  about  the  matter; 
but  even  the  richest  materials  fail  to  yield  all  that  the 
historian  requires.  Again  and  again,  however  the 
frontier  of  knowledge  may  be  advanced,  the  enquirer  is 
confronted  by  darkness  into  which  he  cannot  safely 
penetrate.”^  The  frontier  of  knowledge  has  been 
advanced  beyond  the  point  where  Gardiner  left  it,  and 
yet  the  darkness  surrounds  the  seeker  after  truth  who 
strays  but  a little  from  the  well-trodden  highways  of 
Stuart  history.  It  is  in  the  hope  of  illumining  some  por- 
tion of  this  outer  darkness  that  we  engage  ourselves  in 
the  following  pages  with  the  story  of  a long-forgotten 
attempt  to  colonise  some  insignificant  West  Indian 
islands,  and  shall  endeavour  to  show  that  light  sought 
even  thus  far  from  the  scene  of  great  events,  may  yet 
aid  us  to  see  those  events  in  a more  balanced  perspective 
and  a little  more  in  their  own  true  colours. 

In  our  enquiry  it  will  be  borne  in  upon  us  again  and 
again  that  the  history  of  English  colonisation  in  the  first 
half  of  the  seventeenth  century  is  peculiarly  a part  of 
the  history  of  England  itself ; colonising  attempts  were 

1 Gardiner,  Fall  of  the  Monarchy  of  Charles  I,  I,  p.  v. 


2 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


blessed  or  frowned  upon  according  to  the  exigencies  of 
European  politics,  the  jealousies  and  rivalries  of  Eng- 
lish courtiers  or  merchants  involved  similar  rivalries  of 
their  servants  abroad,  and  the  quarrels  that  began  at 
Whitehall  or  in  Change  Alley  have  swayed  in  a marked 
degree  the  destinies  of  colonists  on  the  banks  of  the 
Chesapeake,  in  bleak  New  England,  or  among  the  tropic 
Caribbees.  But,  as  in  nature  all  action  involves  a 
reaction,  so  the  course  of  English  domestic  politics  under 
Charles  I was  materially  influenced  by  the  colonising 
schemes  of  the  time.  The  leaders  of  the  parliamentary 
opposition  acquired  their  power  of  working  harmo- 
niously together  in  the  joint  schemes  of  colonisation  that 
interested  them;  men  who  had  for  years  discussed 
questions  of  policy  round  the  board  of  a chartered  com- 
pany, were  more  capable  of  acting  in  concert  than  had 
they  only  met  one  another  in  the  hunting  field,  upon  the 
bench  or  during  the  rare  and  brief  sessions  of  parlia- 
ment. The  work  of  the  Long  Parliament,  that  broke 
forever  the  power  of  absolute  monarchy  in  England, 
and  made  possible  Cromwell’s  schemes  of  world  politics, 
was  begun  in  the  courts  of  the  Virginia,  the  Saybrook, 
and  the  Providence  companies.  It  is  in  connection  with 
the  story  of  the  last  of  these,  the  Company  of  Adven- 
turers to  the  Island  of  Providence,  that  we  shall  pursue 
an  attempt  to  trace  out  once  more  some  parts  of  the 
oft-told  tale  of  the  great  Puritan  migration,  and  to  enter 
upon  the  little-explored  field  of  West  Indian  history  in 
the  seventeenth  century. 

The  story  of  the  company  that  undertook  the  coloni- 
sation of  the  islands  of  Providence,  Henrietta,  and 
Association,  and  engaged  in  various  attempts  at  trade 
and  colonisation  upon  the  mainland  of  Central  America, 
is  of  interest  from  several  points  of  view.  The  adven- 
turers in  the  company  included  amongst  their  number 


AUTHOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


3 


almost  every  important  member  of  the  inner  circle  of 
leaders  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  rule  of  Charles  I. 
The  Earl  of  Warwick,  Viscount  Saye  and  Sele,  and  Lord 
Brooke  took  a most  active  part  in  the  company’s  affairs 
throughout;  John  Pym  was  its  treasurer  and  the  prime 
mover  in  every  design;  while  Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard,  Sir 
Benjamin  Rudyerd,  and  Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  all 
active  members  of  the  Puritan  party  in  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, were  unremitting  in  their  attention  to  its  business. 
Other  well-known  names  met  mth  are  those  of  Oliver 
St.  John,  John  Gurdon,  the  intimate  friend  of  John 
Winthrop,  John  Robartes,  the  Earl  of  Radnor  of  Charles 
II ’s  reign,  John  Hampden,  and  Sir  William  Waller,  and 
we  shall  find  that  the  company  provided  an  outlet  for 
the  energies  of  the  parliament  men  who  were  thrust  out 
from  national  affairs  during  the  long  eleven  years  of 
personal  government.  On  the  2d  of  March,  1629,  Charles 
I’s  third  parliament  was  dissolved  amid  scenes  of 
unprecedented  violence  and  on  the  28th  of  April,  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  received  from  Bermuda  the  letter  that 
led  to  the  formation  of  the  new  company.  On  the  3d  of 
November,  1640,  the  Long  Parliament  met  and  the  last 
act  of  the  great  constitutional  struggle  began,  while  on 
the  28th  of  March,  1641,  the  last  letters  to  Providence 
were  signed,  letters  that  were  never  to  be  received,  for 
the  island  was  taken  by  the  Spaniards  in  May  of  the 
same  year.  The  eleven  years  of  the  company’s  activity 
therefore  coincide  almost  exactly  wdth  the  eleven  years 
of  Charles  I’s  autocracy.  This  coincidence  will  seem  the 
more  striking  when  we  show  that  between  1636  and  1 640 
many  of  the  plans  of  opposition  to  the  government  were 
matured  in  security  under  cloak  of  the  company’s 
meetings. 

Through  the  history  of  the  Providence  Company  and 
the  allied  designs  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  in  the  West 


4 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Indies  it  is  possible  to  trace  the  development  of  the 
Elizabethan  tradition  of  hostility  to  Spain  down  to  the 
capture  of  Jamaica  in  1655  and  the  foundation  on  a firm 
basis  of  the  West  Indian  empire,  that  during  the  eight- 
eenth century  was  of  such  paramount  importance  to 
England.  The  semi-legal  piracy  that  was  carried  on 
under  the  aegis  of  the  company,  connects  the  freebooting 
enterprises  of  Drake,  Cumberland,  and  the  Elizabethan 
sea-dogs  with  Cromwell’s  “Western  Design,”  a plan  that 
had  its  inspiration  from  the  minds  of  Pym  and  of  War- 
wick. Cromwell  himself  took  no  part  in  the  work  of 
the  Providence  Company,  though  there  is  no  doubt  that 
he  was  intimately  acquainted  with  it.  His  aunt  Joan 
was  the  mother  of  Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  and  some 
of  his  most  intimate  friends  were  deeply  interested  in 
the  company’s  affairs;  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  lord 
high  admiral  of  the  parliamentary  fleet  till  1649,  while 
William  Jessop,  who  had  been  secretary  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company,  was  clerk  of  the  Council  of  State  which 
took  over  the  lord  high  admiral’s  functions  after 
Warwick  had  resigned. 

There  is  an  intimate  connection  between  the  Provi- 
dence Company  and  the  strictly  contemporary  colonisa- 
tion of  New  England.  In  its  beginnings  the  Massachu- 
setts enterprise  was  dependent  for  its  influence  with  the 
ruling  powers  upon  the  members  of  the  Providence 
Company.  The  original  patent  of  the  Saybrook  settle- 
ment was  issued  to  them,  and,  though  in  later  years  the 
company’s  aims  and  those  of  the  rulers  of  Massachusetts 
were  seen  to  be  hopelessly  divergent,  it  was  through  the 
Providence  leaders  that  the  principles  which  led  to  the 
Massachusetts  migration  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
development  of  the  English  nation.  It  is  possible  to 
trace  in  the  company’s  records  the  ideas  of  colonisation 
that  animated  the  English  country  gentlemen  who  were 


AUTHOE’S  INTEODUCTION 


5 


the  Puritan  leaders,  and  the  development  of  their  design 
of  founding  a refuge  for  the  Nonconformists  from  the 
Laudian  persecution.  The  ideas  of  John  White  of  Dor- 
chester, expressed  in  widely  circulated  pamphlets  and 
letters,  commended  themselves  to  the  leaders  as  well  as 
to  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Puritans,  but  while  the  eyes 
of  Warwick,  Saye,  Rich,  and  Pym  were  turned  to  the 
West  Indies  as  the  proper  home  for  a Puritan  colony, 
the  leaders  of  the  great  migration,  Winthrop  and  Dudley, 
whose  names  before  1630  were  hardly  known  outside 
their  immediate  circle,  dared  to  differ  from  their  power- 
ful friends  and,  defying  precedent,  directed  the  ever- 
swelling  stream  of  emigrants  to  the  shores  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  there  to  found  rather  a commonwealth 
than  a colony. 

We  have  concerning  Providence  a wealth  of  detail, 
which  is  lacking  for  the  colonies  in  St.  Christopher  and 
Barbadoes.  It  is  possible  to  trace  the  course  of  its 
development  from  the  early  ideal  of  the  colony  as  a 
home  for  Englishmen  to  the  realisation  of  a tropical 
plantation  where  all  manual  labour  was  performed  by 
negro  slaves  for  the  profit  of  a few  white  planters,  a 
plantation  such  as  Barbadoes  became,  after  the  intro- 
duction of  the  cultivation  of  sugar  on  a commercial  scale 
gave  to  the  West  Indies  the  profitable  staple  commodity 
that  had  so  long  been  sought.  Interest  of  a more  per- 
sonal character  is  not  lacking  from  the  records,  which 
in  many  ways  illuminate  the  views  and  aspirations  of 
the  time  and  especially  those  of  John  Pym,  the  great 
protagonist  of  the  constitutional  struggle,  whose  organ- 
ising capacity  and  steadfastness  of  purpose  guided  the 
company  in  every  emergency.  Pym ’s  life  outside  parlia- 
ment has  been  very  little  studied,  and  it  is  of  interest 
therefore  to  trace  in  these  records  the  application  of  his 
views  of  statesmanship  to  the  government  of  a colony. 


6 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and  to  catch  here  and  there  a glimpse  of  his  ideas  con- 
cerning England’s  true  foreign  policy  as  the  unrelenting 
opponent  of  Spanish  power,  ideas  which  his  successor, 
Cromwell,  was  able  to  carry  into  effect  when  the  times 
were  propitious.  The  career  of  Robert  Rich,  Earl  of 
Warwick,  will  also  demand  a share  of  our  attention 
and  rightly,  for  to  him,  perhaps  more  than  to  any  of  his 
contemporaries,  is  credit  due  for  a persistence  in  colonis- 
ing enterprise  through  good  or  evil  fortune,  that  has 
written  his  name  large  in  the  records  of  every  English 
colony  of  his  time. 

The  story  of  the  Providence  Company  falls  naturally 
into  two  portions ; from  its  foundation  down  to  the  year 
1635  the  company  was  endeavouring  to  build  up  a Puri- 
tan community,  but  at  the  same  time  by  the  raising  of 
saleable  crops  to  make  a profit  on  the  capital  invested; 
in  1635  this  design,  having  proved  impracticable,  was  to 
a large  extent  abandoned  and  the  colony  became  openly, 
what  before  it  had  been  secretly,  a base  for  privateering 
against  the  Spaniards.  Our  attention  will  first  be 
directed  to  the  circumstances  that  gave  rise  to  the 
formation  of  the  company  and  to  the  history  of  Provi- 
dence as  a Puritan  settlement.  As  such  it  failed  miser- 
ably, but  its  story  is  worth  study  from  this  point  of  view, 
if  only  as  showing  that  Puritanism  was  not  necessarily 
as  successful  a colonising  force  as  might  be  supposed 
if  New  England  only  were  considered.  The  second  por- 
tion of  our  enquiry  will  be  concerned  with  Providence 
as  a centre  of  buccaneering  enterprise  and  as  a fortress 
whence  were  directed  efforts  to  plant  an  English  colony 
upon  the  mainland  of  Central  America.  The  company’s 
endeavours  to  found  a Puritan  colony  during  this  period 
were  at  first  directed  to  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut 
River,  but,  when  they  again  proved  unsuccessful, 
attempts  were  made  to  people  the  Central  American 


AUTHOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


7 


colony  from  New  England,  and  onr  attention  must  be 
directed  to  the  resulting  hostility  of  the  rulers  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  the  English  leaders  of  the  Puritan  party,  a 
hostility  which  will  show  us  how  far  even  in  those  early 
days  Massachusetts  had  diverged  from  the  normal  course 
of  English  development. 

The  sources  of  our  information  of  the  company’s 
affairs  may  be  briefly  stated.  The  Providence  Company 
and  its  etforts  to  colonise  its  islands  and  to  establish 
English  trade  upon  the  mainland  of  Central  America 
lasted,  as  we  have  seen,  only  for  the  eleven  years  from 
1630  to  1641  and  have  been  quite  forgotten  by  succeeding 
generations.  So  much  has  this  been  the  case  that  the 
chief  colony,  established  upon  the  small  island  of  Santa 
Catalina  off  the  Moskito  Coast,  has,  owing  to  its  English 
name  of  Providence,  been  confused  since  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century  with  the  Island  of  New  Provi- 
dence in  the  Bahamas,  the  colonisation  of  which  was  not 
seriously  undertaken  till  1670.  The  earliest  instance 
of  confusion  concerning  the  colony  appears  to  occur  in 
John  Josselyn’s  Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  Eng- 
land, published  in  1675,  where  Providence  is  said  to  be 
one  of  the  Somers  or  Bermuda  Islands,  and  in  the  same 
author’s  Chronological  Observations  of  America,  the 
mistake  occurs  in  a similar  form.^  In  Hutchinson’s 
History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  published  in  1760,  the 
accounts  of  the  dealings  of  New  England  with  the  Provi- 
dence colony  that  had  been  derived  from  Hubbard’s 
manuscript  history  of  New  England  (1680),  are  misap- 
plied to  New  Providence  in  the  Bahamas.®  The  same  con- 

2 An  Account  of  two  Voyages  into  New  England  by  John  Josselyn,  London, 
1675.  Chronological  Observations  of  America,  London,  1673.  Both  reprinted 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  3d  Series,  Vol.  III.  See  p.  381  under  date  1637. 
‘ ‘ The  Spaniards  took  the  Island  of  Providence,  one  of  the  Summer  Islands, 
from  the  English.”  Both  date  and  position  wrong. 

3 Hutchinson,  History  of  Massachusetts  Hay,  London,  1760,  p.  96,  “The 


8 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


fusion  can  also  be  traced  in  Churchill’s  Voyages  (1763) 
and  has  passed  thence  into  Pinkerton’s  Voyages  (1810) 
and  Southey’s  Chronological  History  of  the  West  Indies 
(1827),  though  the  latter  speaks  of  the  colony  in  some 
places  as  Santa  Catarina  or  Old  Providence,*  and  in 
others  of  it  as  New  Providence  in  the  Bahamas.  The 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1574-1660,  in  which 
the  records  of  the  colony  are  calendared,  continues  the 
confusion  and  speaks  throughout  of  the  Bahamas,  under 
which  title  the  papers  were  then  catalogued  in  the  Public 
Record  Office.  From  the  Calendar  the  error  has  crept 
into  many  modern  works  which  speak  of  the  colonisation 
of  the  Bahamas  as  having  taken  place  in  1630.®  Owing 
to  the  enquiries  of  Major  General  Sir  J.  H.  Lefroy,  the 
author  of  the  Memorials  of  the  Bermudas,  the  true  ver- 
sion of  the  matter  was  finally  arrived  at  by  W.  N.  Sains- 
bury,  the  editor  of  the  Calendar,  and  placed  on  record 
in  the  Athenceum,  May,  1876.  He  showed  conclusively 
that  the  records  of  the  company  are  quite  inconsistent 
with  the  history  of  New  Providence  in  the  Bahamas, 
and  that  they  refer  to  the  island  of  Old  Providence  off 
the  Moskito  Coast,  whose  later  occupation  by  the  bucca- 
neers in  the  reign  of  Charles  II  is  well  known.  The 
Bahamas  or  Veajus  Islands  were  included  within  the 


Lords  and  others  concerned  in  this  attempt  to  settle  the  Bahama  Islands 
spent  £60,000.  ’ ’ 

* Southey,  Chronological  History  of  the  West  Indies,  London,  1827,  I,  279, 
‘ ‘ 1637.  The  English  were  in  possession  of  Santa  Catarina  or  Old  Provi- 
dence. ” I,  293,  “1641.  The  Spaniards  attacked  the  English  at  New 
Providence.  ’ ’ 

5 See  for  instance  Cunningham,  Growth  of  British  Industry.  Modern 
Times,  I,  332  n.  C.  J.  Hoadly,  The  Warwick  Patent.  The  Acorn  Club, 
Hartford,  Conn.,  1902.  Brown,  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  II,  979,  etc. 
Many  difficulties  arise  in  the  short  biographies  annexed  to  this  work  from 
the  confusion  of  Sa.  Catalina  with  New  Providence.  See  especially  the  life 
of  Daniel  Elfrith. 


AUTHOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


9 


limits  of  Sir  Robert  Heath’s  Carolana  patent  of  1629, 
but  no  steps  were  taken  for  their  colonisation.® 

The  records  of  the  Providence  Company  are  contained 
in  two  thick  folio  volumes  preserved  in  the  Public  Record 
Office.^  They  are  entitled  respectively  “Journal  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  Adventurers  for  the  Planta- 
tion of  the  Island  of  Providence”  and  “Book  of  Entries 
of,  ’ ’ etc.,  and  contain,  as  these  titles  imply,  minutes  of  the 
meetings  held  by  the  company  and  copies  of  the  letters 
despatched  to  the  colony.  We  have  in  the  two  volumes  a 
complete  and  unbroken  record  in  the  greatest  detail  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  company  from  its  foundation  in  1630 
to  the  capture  of  the  island  of  Providence  by  the  Span- 
iards in  1641  and  the  abandonment  by  the  company  of  all 
its  designs  in  the  West  Indies  owing  to  the  absorption  of 
its  moving  spirit,  John  Pym,  in  the  struggles  of  the  Long 
Parliament  and  to  his  early  death.  It  is  suggested  in 
the  preface  to  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial, 
1574-1660,  that  the  volumes  were  written  most  probably 
between  1640  and  1650,  when  several  proceedings  were 
being  taken  concerning  the  debts  of  the  company.  So 
far  as  the  company’s  journal  is  concerned,  this  would 
appear  to  be  correct,  but  the  entry  book  of  letters  is 
written  throughout  in  the  hand  of  William  Jessop,  the 
secretary  of  the  company,  and  it  is  annotated  by  him  in 
the  same  way  as  his  own  private  Letter  Book,  containing 
in  shorthand  the  drafts  of  less  important  letters  written 
to  the  colony  and  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.® 
The  volumes  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission  contain 
many  references  to  the  company  and  from  them  it  is 

6 C.  S.  P.  Col.,  30  Oct.  1629,  Grant  to  Sir  Robert  Heath  of  a territory  in 
America  betwixt  31  and  36  degrees  of  North  Latitude,  “together  with  the 
Islands  of  Veajus  or  Bahamas  and  aU  other  islands  lying  southerly  or  near 
upon  the  said  continent.” 

7 P.  E.  O.,  C.  O.  124,  1 and  2. 

* Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.,  10615. 


10 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


possible  to  throw  some  additional  light  upon  its  doings. 
From  the  Manchester  Papers,®  now  in  the  Public  Record 
Office,  we  learn  something  of  the  beginnings  of  the  com- 
pany as  an  offshoot  from  the  Somers  Islands  Company, 
and  among  these  papers  are  also  preserved  a few  letters 
written  from  the  islands  to  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  or  to 
Viscount  Mandeville,  the  Earl  of  Manchester  of  the  Civil 
War.  Most  of  the  extant  letters  from  the  colony  in  its 
early  days  are  to  be  found  among  the  Barrington  MSS., 
now  in  the  British  Museum,^®  but  once  the  property  of 
Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  for  some  time  deputy  governor 
of  the  company  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  parliamen- 
tary party  in  Essex  during  the  Civil  War.  Scattered 
references  to  the  company  are  also  to  be  found  among 
the  Bouverie  MSS.,“  once  the  property  of  John  Pym,  and 
the  Hulton  MSS.,'^  which  come  to  us  from  William 
Jessop,  the  secretary  of  the  company  and  afterwards 
clerk  to  the  Council  of  State  and  the  Restoration  House 
of  Commons.  Repeated  references  to  the  company  and 
colony  are  to  be  found  in  the  Winthrop  Papers  and 
Winthrop’s  Journal  printed  in  the  Collections  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society.^®  In  the  British 
Museum^^  is  the  manuscript  Diary  of  Capt.  Nathaniel 
Butler,  who  was  governor  of  the  colony  in  1639 
and  this  gives  us  in  detail  a picture  of  Providence  as 
a privateering  stronghold. 

Printed  references  to  the  colony  are  not  very  numer- 
ous, but  we  hear  of  its  beginnings  in  the  diary  of  John 

9 Very  briefly  calendared  in  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Eighth  Beport,  Appendix 
2.  In  this  study  only  the  original  papers  themselves  have  been  used. 

10  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2643-51. 

11  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Seventh  Beport,  Appendix. 

12  Ihid.,  Twelfth  Beport,  Appendix. 

13  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  3d  Series,  Vol.  IX,  4th  Vols.  VI  and  VII,  5th 
Vol.  I,  6th  Vol.  III. 

ii  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.,  758. 


AUTHOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


11 


Rous  (1625-1641)/®  and  many  details  concerning  the 
relations  of  the  colonists  with  New  England  from 
Hubbard’s  history  of  Massachusetts^®  Some  light  is 
thrown  upon  the  later  history  of  the  colony  by  the  life 
of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Leverton,  a minister  there,  in  Calamy’s 
Nonconformist’s  Memorial^  The  colony  appeared 
to  the  Spaniards  as  a mere  nest  of  pirates  and  their  views 
concerning  it  can  be  gathered  from  Gage’s  New  Survey 
of  the  West  Indies written  about  1638,  but  not  pub- 
lished till  later.  Gage  was  himself  an  eyewitness  of 
some  of  the  piratical  exploits  of  the  Providence  colonists, 
and  had  personal  relations  with  those  of  them  who  had 
been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Spaniards.  Much  light  on 
the  island’s  story  is  also  thrown  by  the  many  Spanish 
MSS.  relating  to  the  West  Indies  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum;  some  of  these  are  originals,^®  while 
others  are  copies  made  from  the  originals  at  Simancas 
for  the  purposes  of  the  Venezuelan  Arbitration.®®  They 
include  many  letters  from  the  Spanish  officials  in  the 
Indies,  bewailing  the  constant  depredations  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  corsairs  and  pleading  for  assistance  to 
clear  the  Caribbean  of  their  presence.  Other  Spanish 
sources  of  information  are  mentioned  in  the  text.  The 
only  modern  account  of  the  company  that  affords  reliable 
information  is  contained  in  Scott’s  learned  work  on 
joint  stock  companies,®^  where,  for  the  first  time,  the 
importance  of  Providence  in  English  colonial  history  is 
properly  appreciated. 

15  Camden  Soc.,  Vol.  XLII. 

16  Printed  in  Mass.  Hist.  See.  Coll. 

IT  Ed.  Calamy,  D.  D.,  The  Nonconformist’s  Memorial.  Palmer’s  edition, 
1802. 

18  T.  Gage,  The  English  American,  his  Travail  by  Sea  and  Land.  London 
1648. 

19  Especially  in  the  Kingsborough  Collection.  Add.  MSS.,  13977,  etc. 

20  Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36314-36327. 

21  W.  E.  Scott,  Joint  Stock  Companies  to  1720.  London  1911. 


12 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  island  of  Santa  Catalina,  or  Providence,  is  sit- 
uated otf  the  eastern  coast  of  Nicaragua  upon  the  edge 
of  the  Moskito  Bank  about  equidistant  from  Porto  Bello, 
Cartagena,  and  the  island  of  Jamaica,  and  lies  very  close 
to  the  track  of  vessels  sailing  from  Porto  Bello  or  Carta- 
gena to  Mexico  and  Havana.  The  island  is  about  six 
miles  long  and  four  wide,  and  is  described  by  Alcedo*^ 
as  one  of  the  best  of  the  West  India  islands,  notwith- 
standing its  small  size,  as  well  from  the  salubrity  of  its 
climate  as  from  its  fertility.  It  is  exceptionally  easy  of 
fortification,  abounds  in  fine  water,  and  is  said  to  contain 
no  serpent  or  venomous  insect.  It  now  forms  part  of 
the  Republic  of  Colombia  and  is  inhabited  by  a few  hun- 
dred negroes.  San  Andreas  or  Henrietta,  which  was 
also  granted  by  patent  to  the  company,  lies  some  sixty 
miles  southwest  of  Providence  and  is  about  sixteen  miles 
in  length  by  four  in  width.  It  is  a long,  low  island 
abounding  in  fine  timber,  but  neither  as  easily  fortifiable 
nor  as  fertile  as  Providence.  It  also  is  now  a possession 
of  the  Republic  of  Colombia.  Tortuga  or  Association,  the 
third  island  which  will  concern  us,  lies  off  the  northwest 
coast  of  the  island  of  Hispaniola  or  Hayti,  within  a few 
miles  of  Cape  San  Nicolas  and  the  entrance  to  the  Wind- 
ward Passage  between  Hispaniola  and  Cuba.  It  is  sur- 
rounded by  rocks  and  shoals,  which  render  access  to  its 
fine  harbour  difficult.  Tortuga  had  been  a rendezvous 
for  the  rovers  of  all  nations,  at  any  rate  since  the  time 
of  Drake;  from  1640  on  it  became  the  headquarters  of 
buccaneering  enterprise  in  the  West  Indies  under  the 
£egis  of  the  French.  It  now  forms  a part  of  the  negro 
republic  of  Hayti. 

22  A.  de  Aleedo,  Geographical  and  Historical  Dictionary  of  America  and 
the  West  Indies.  Transl.  by  G.  A.  Thompson,  5 vols.,  and  Atlas.  London 
1812-1815. 


\ 


\ 

i 


PROVIDENCE 


V ft. 

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ii 


,5^:f 


CHAPTER  I 


BEGINNINGS  OF  ENGLISH  COLONISATION 

In  August,  1604,  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  that 
brought  the  long  war  between  England  and  Spain  to  an 
end.  War  had  been  officially  waged  between  the  two 
powers  since  1587,  hut  ever  since  Hawkins’  ill-fated 
voyage  of  1567-1568  the  preying  of  English  privateers 
upon  the  Spanish  shipping  and  towns  in  the  West  Indies 
had  proved  a constant  source  of  profit  to  the  merchants 
who  financed  them.  Since  the  “Islands  Voyage”  of  1597 
the  war  had  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  privateers,^® 
who  were  waxing  ever  bolder,  and  their  daring  attacks 
both  on  the  coast  of  Spain  and  in  the  East  and  West 
Indies  had  been  returning  handsome  profits  to  their 
owners.  The  romance  of  their  bolder  strokes,  so  vividly 
described  in  the  pages  of  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  must 
not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  in  the  main  this  privateering 
was  a sordid  and  prosaic  business,  which  was  expected 
to  return  its  proper  percentage  of  profits  to  the  owners 
without  involving  an  unnecessary  amount  of  risk.  The 
settled  policy  of  the  Spanish  government  to  regard  the 
Indies  as  the  private  property  of  the  crown  involved  of 
necessity  the  official  view  that  every  foreigner,  or,  for 
that  matter,  every  unauthorised  Spaniard,  found  within 
the  Indies  was  to  be  looked  upon  as  a trespasser  and  a 
robber.  But  the  Spanish  fleets  that  formed  the  only 
authorised  means  of  communication  between  the  Indies 
and  Europe  were  to  a considerable  extent  navigated  by 
Flemings  and  by  Englishmen,  who  thus  acquired  a thor- 

23  Sir  J.  K.  Laughton  in  Camb.  Mod.  Mist.,  Ill,  327. 


14 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


ough  acquaintance  with  American  waters  and  had  many 
friends  in  every  port.  The  unofficial  Spaniard,  there- 
fore, could  not  brand  all  foreigners  as  criminals  and  in 
many  instances  we  find  a considerable  amount  of  good 
feeling  existing  between  the  Spanish  colonists  and  the 
visitors  to  their  shores.  In  the  last  years  of  the  war 
period  the  greater  part  of  the  Spanish  shipping  had 
been  driven  from  the  sea  and  only  very  small  profits 
would  have  been  returned  by  mere  privateering.  A far 
more  profitable  way  of  employing  capital  was  to  carry 
out  from  Europe  a full  cargo  of  manufactured  goods  to 
be  disposed  of  secretly  in  the  Indies  either  to  Spaniards 
or  to  the  natives,  and  to  return  laden  with  the  tropical 
products  for  which  they  had  been  exchanged.  An  even 
more  prosaic  trade  which  reached  large  dimensions 
about  1600,  was  the  carrying  of  salt  to  Europe  from 
Punta  Araya  on  the  coast  of  Venezuela.  The  ships,  both 
Dutch  and  English,  came  out  laden  with  goods  for  barter 
and  after  disposing  of  them  met  at  the  great  salt  pans 
some  fifty  miles  from  Margarita,  where  their  holds  were 
filled  with  salt,  which  was  then  conveyed  to  England 
and  to  Flanders  and  sold  at  an  excellent  profit.  Between 
June,  1602,  and  May,  1603,  one  hundred  and  seventy-two 
salt  vessels  and  thirty  barter  vessels  of  large  size  came 
to  Araya,  and  at  one  time  in  January,  1603,  sixty  salt 
vessels  and  four  barter  vessels  were  lading  salt  at  one 
time,^^  thus  showing  that  the  trade  had  reached  large 
dimensions. 

With  the  conclusion  of  peace,  the  facilities  for  fitting 
out  these  ships  in  English  ports  and  the  ease  of  disposal 
of  their  cargoes  on  their  return  were  at  an  end.  King 

2^1  Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36318,  fo.  191.  Governor  of  Cumana 
to  King.  The  letters  from  the  Indies  abound  with  complaints  of  the 
clandestine  trade.  Far  more  harm  was  done  to  the  royal  revenue  by  this 
barter  than  by  all  the  more  shown  exploits  of  Cumberland,  Parker,  and 
Sherley. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


15 


James,  it  was  well  known,  regarded  the  war  as  at  once 
concluded  by  his  accession,  for  as  king  of  Scotland  he 
had  always  been  on  terms  of  peace  and  amity  with  the 
Spanish  crown.  The  terms  of  the  treaty  itself  were  a 
complete  surrender  of  the  English  right  of  trade  to  the 
Indies,^®  the  recognition  of  which  Elizabeth  had  always 
insisted  upon  as  a necessary  condition  of  peace.  It  was 
no  longer  possible  for  a reputable  merchant  to  engage 
openly  in  the  West  Indian  trade  and  large  amounts  of 
capital  began  to  be  withdrawn  and  turned  to  other  uses. 
Capt.  John  Smith,  writing  in  1629,  puts  the  matter 
clearly:  “After  the  death  of  our  most  gracious  Queen 
Elizabeth  of  blessed  memory,  our  Royal  King  James,  who 
from  his  infancy  had  reigned  in  peace  with  all  Nations, 
had  no  employment  for  those  men-of-war,  so  that  those 
that  were  rich,  rested  with  that  they  had ; those  that  were 
poor  and  had  nothing  but  from  hand  to  mouth,  turned 
Pirates ; some,  because  they  had  got  much  wealth ; some, 
for  that  they  could  not  get  their  due ; some,  that  had  lived 
bravely,  would  not  abase  themselves  to  poverty;  some 
vainly,  only  to  get  a name ; others  for  revenge,  covetous- 
ness or  as  ill;  and  as  they  found  themselves  more  and 
more  oppressed,  their  passions  increasing  with  discon- 
tent made  them  turn  Pirates.”^®  That  a very  large 
increase  of  the  evil  of  piracy  ensued  after  the  signing 
of  the  peace  may  be  very  roughly  proved  from  the 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic.  In  the  four  years, 
1603-1607,  only  eleven  mentions  of  piracy  occur  and  most 
of  these  are  concerned  with  the  granting  of  pardons  to 
English  sailors  accused  of  technical  piracy  against 
French  and  Venetian  ships.  In  the  four  years,  1607- 
1610,  piracy  is  mentioned  twenty-eight  times  and  mostly 
in  connection  with  outrages  on  English  ships.  So  acute 

25  Camb.  Mod.  Hist.,  Ill,  537. 

26  Smith’s  Works  (ed.  Arber),  p.  914. 


16 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


had  the  evil  become  in  1609  that  a royal  commission  was 
appointed  to  find  some  means  of  putting  a stop  to  the 
pirates’  depredations.  Many  of  the  more  far-seeing 
London  merchants  had  long  realised  the  precariousness 
of  privateering  enterprise  and  had  endeavoured  to 
engage  solely  in  legitimate  trade, but  others  in  alliance 
with  men  of  high  rank  such  as  George  Clifford,  Earl  of 
Cumberland,  had  expended  in  it  large  amounts  of  capital 
and  had  organised  what  were  in  reality  small  navies, 
most  of  the  ships  sailing  under  the  English  flag,  but 
others  under  that  of  the  states  of  Holland  or  of  Zeeland. 
One  of  the  foremost  of  the  wealthy  men  of  high  rank 
engaged  in  schemes  of  this  description,  was  Lord  Rich, 
who  had  numbers  of  ships  always  at  sea.  The  cessation 
of  hostilities  between  England  and  Spain  made  little 
difference  to  his  fleet,  which  merely  changed  its  letters 
of  marque  from  English  to  Dutch  and  made  its  home 
ports  Middleburg  or  Flushing  instead  of  the  port  of 
London.^®  When  the  twelve  years’  truce  of  1609  sus- 
pended hostilities  between  the  States  and  Spain  and 
withdrew  Dutch  letters  of  marque.  Rich’s  operations 
continued  as  before,  but  under  different  colours,  and 
some  years  later  we  find  his  ships  sailing  the  Channel 
with  commissions  from  the  Duke  of  Savoy  and  still 
returning  a handsome  profit  to  their  owner.^® 

The  withdrawal  of  the  greater  part  of  the  English 
capital  invested  in  privateering  set  it  free  for  employ- 
ment in  other  directions,  and  the  first  five  years  of  the 
seventeenth  century  saw  the  despatch  of  many  private 

27  Cunningham,  English  Industry,  Mod.  Times,  I,  70. 

28  The  many  ramifications  of  the  schemes  of  the  Eich  family  lie  beyond 
the  scope  of  this  enquiry,  but  sidelights  will  be  thrown  on  their  later 
developments  in  subsequent  chapters.  From  at  any  rate  1600  onwards  the 
Eich  family  always  had  a commercial  agent  at  Middleburg  or  Amsterdam. 

29  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Fourth  Eeport.  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1609-1618.  C.  S.  P. 
East  Indies,  1617-1621,  p.  Ixxxvi. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


17 


expeditions  for  exploration  to  the  Northwest,  mostly 
financed  by  the  merchants  who  had  fitted  out  the  expedi- 
tions of  the  late  sixteenth  century;®®  the  acute  economic 
difficulties  of  the  time,  caused  by  the  growth  of  popu- 
lation, induced  publicists  like  Popham  to  join  hands  with 
these  great  merchants  and  to  suggest  that  the  time  was 
now  propitious  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  ideas  of 
colonisation  that  had  so  long  been  expounded  by  Gilbert 
and  Raleigh.  It  is  to  this  conjunction  of  interests  that 
the  founding  of  the  Pljunouth  and  London  Companies 
for  Virginia  was  due. 

Previous  attempts  at  English  colonisation  had  been 
made  in  each  of  three  directions,  and  it  is  of  interest  to 
note  that  geographical  conditions  had  a good  deal  to  do 
with  the  location  of  the  first  successful  colony.  In  1600 
the  shores  of  the  American  continents  were  inhabited 
by  Europeans  in  three  regions  separated  by  enormous 
stretches  of  unexplored  coast;  the  Hispano-Portuguese 
empire  of  Brazil  was  divided  from  the  Spanish  territory 
round  the  Caribbean  by  the  no  man’s  land  of  Guiana. 
The  shores  of  the  Caribbean  and  the  islands  of  the 
Antilles  were  all  occupied  in  a loose  kind  of  way  by  the 
Spanish  power  or  rendered  inaccessible  by  the  presence 
of  the  fierce  and  cannibal  Caribs,  while  to  the  northward 
Florida,  the  scene  of  the  long-remembered  massacre  of 
Ribault  and  Laudonniere ’s  Huguenot  colonists,  was 
sundered  by  Raleigh’s  deserted  Virginia  from  the 
regions  round  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  where  the 
French  fur-traders  were  beginning  to  found  a regular 
trade  with  the  Indians,  and  where  Newfoundland  was 
already  a temporary  home  for  fishermen  of  all  the 
northern  nations.  The  route  to  all  these  regions,  save 
the  last,  was  in  the  main  the  same;  coasting  down  the 
shores  of  Spain  and  Africa  till  Cape  Cantin  was  reached, 

30  Kingsbury,  Introd.  to  Becords  of  Va.  Co.,  p.  14. 


18 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


a course  was  made  for  the  Canaries®^  and  thence,  after 
watering,  a due  westerly  course  was  steered  for  the 
Island  of  Deseada  or  for  Dominica.  For  Brazil  a south- 
westerly course  from  the  Canaries  was  taken.®^  The 
direct  and  more  northerly  route  to  Virginia  was  only 
discovered  by  Argali  in  1614  and  was  not  regularly  used 
until  some  years  hfter  that  date.  The  homeward  course 
by  the  Gulf  stream  lay  through  the  Florida  Channel  and 
across  by  the  Azores,  so  that  the  shores  of  Virginia 
would  be  the  last  point  seen  upon  the  American  conti- 
nent. Gilbert’s  attempts  at  colonisation  had  followed 
the  northerly  fishing  route  to  Newfoundland®®  and  were 
long  remembered  for  the  extreme  hardships  that  had 
been  encountered ; Raleigh,  however,  had  taken  the  usual 
southern  course  and  had  endeavoured  to  plant  his  colo- 
nies either  in  Guiana,  the  first  unoccupied  portion  of  the 
mainland  met  with,  or  in  Virginia,  the  last  left.  Now  we 
shall  show  later  that,  notwithstanding  Raleigh’s  double 
failure  in  Guiana,  repeated  etforts  were  made  by  English- 
men to  estabhsh  trading  stations  there  during  the  early 
years  of  the  seventeenth  century,  though  the  conditions 
were  too  precarious  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  larger 
capitalists,  who  had  to  keep  King  James’s  pro-Spanish 
predilections  in  view.  England  could  show  a plausible 
claim  of  right  to  Virginia  by  the  ancient  discoveries  of 
the  Cabots,  and  the  region  was  more  attractive  to  the 
merchant  adventurers  as  atfording  a hope  of  discovery 
of  the  long-sought  channel  leading  westward  into  the 
Sea  of  Cathay.  It  was  Virginia  that  was  therefore 
chosen  with  the  royal  sanction  as  the  scene  of  the  new 
effort  at  colonisation. 

The  two  branches  of  the  Virginia  Company  received 

31  Hakluyt’s  Voyages  (Everyman  Edition),  VII,  246. 

3zPurchas’s  Pilgrims  (Maclehose’s  Edition),  XVI,  179. 

33  Hakluyt,  VI,  8. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


19 


their  patents  from  the  king  in  April,  1606,®^  and  the 
London  Company,  among  whose  members  were  most  of 
the  merchants  in  whom  we  are  interested,®®  and  notably 
Sir  Thomas  Smythe  and  the  Riches,  at  once  took  steps 
to  fit  out  a pioneer  expedition.  The  North  Virginia 
Company  contained  fewer  men  of  practical  business 
experience  and  soon  fell  into  a moribund  condition,  but 
the  London  Company  succeeded  by  1609  in  enlisting  in 
their  work  the  sympathies  of  almost  every  rank  of 
society.  Englishmen  saw  in  the  new  colony  the  only 
means  open  to  them  of  continuing  the  efforts  to  curb  the 
overweening  power  of  Spain,  that  had  been  abandoned 
by  King  James  and  his  advisers,  but  this  widespread 
interest  soon  failed  before  the  prosaic  difficulties  of  the 
undertaking,  and  before  long  the  management  of  the 
company’s  affairs  fell  into  the  hands  of  a small  number 
of  men  of  high  rank  and  of  a group  of  well-to-do  London 
merchants,  many  of  whom  had  long  been  interested  in 
privateering  enterprises.  The  Spanish  ministers  re- 
garded the  Virginia  colony  as  a perfidious  device  of  the 
English  government  for  continuing  English  piratical 
enterprise  in  defiance  of  the  recently  concluded  treaty, 
and  we  can  read  in  the  letters  of  the  Spanish  officials®® 
the  same  complaints  against  the  new  colony  that  had  so 
often  been  penned  from  Venezuela  and  the  same  sug- 
gestions for  nipping  the  infant  community  in  the  bud.®^ 
Lying  directly  in  the  path  of  ships  northward  bound 


34  Brown,  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  I,  52-62. 

35  Kingsbury,  Introd.  to  Records  of  Va.  Co.,  p.  14. 

3«  Brown,  Genesis,  I,  passim. 

37  Add.  MSS.,  36317,  fo.  372.  Diego  Suarez  de  Amaya,  Governor  of 
Cumana,  writes  to  the  King  on  Dee.  8,  1600,  suggesting  that  the  salt  at 
Punta  Araya  should  be  poisoned  in  order  to  destroy  the  Dutch  and  English 
pirates  wholesale.  Zuniga  repeatedly  suggested  that  the  whole  of  the 
Virginia  colonists  should  be  wiped  out  to  avoid  further  growth  of  the 
colony. 


20 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


through  the  Florida  Channel,  the  Bermuda  Islands  had 
had  an  evil  reputation  throughout  the  sixteenth  century 
as  a place  of  storms,  and  were  in  consequence  always 
avoided  by  mariners.  But  after  Sir  George  Somers’s 
shipwreck  there  in  July,  1609,  and  the  subsequent  fur- 
nishing of  Virginia  with  much-needed  provisions,  the 
islands  were  claimed  as  lying  within  the  grant  of  the 
Virginia  Company  and  as  forming  a likely  field  for  col- 
onisation. Their  importance  was  so  little  appreciated, 
however,  that  the  active  members  of  1612  bought  out  the 
Virginia  Company’s  rights  and  formed  a fresh  company 
of  only  one  hundred  and  twenty  adventurers  to  under- 
take the  plantation.  The  new  company  entered  on  its 
operations  with  vigour  and  secured  a fresh  charter  on 
June  29,  1615.®* 

For  some  years  matters  proceeded  smoothly  in  both 
companies,  the  most  active  part  in  their  management 
being  taken  by  those  who  had,  along  with  the  Rich 
family,  an  interest  in  pseudo-privateering  enterprise  in 
the  West  Indies.  Gradually,  however,  we  find  that  two 
factions  were  forming  in  the  companies  and  by  1619 
matters  were  rapidly  moving  to  an  open  breach. 

In  May,  1619,  Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  who,  as  treasurer, 
had  been  the  executive  head  of  the  Virginia  Company 
since  its  foundation,  was  displaced  and  Sir  Edwin 
Sandys  was  elected  in  his  stead.*®  The  complete  story 
of  this  quarrel  in  the  Virginia  Company  has  never  yet 
been  written  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Warwick  faction, 
and  we  can  here  only  deal  with  those  aspects  of  it  that 
bear  directly  upon  our  subject.  It  must  be  noted,  how- 
ever, that  Sir  Thomas  Smythe  and  his  supporters  repre- 
sented the  privileged  merchants  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers,  the  East  India,  the  Turkey,  and  other 

38  c.  S.  P.  Col,  1574-1660,  p.  17. 

39  C.  S.  P.  Dorn.,  1619,  p.  44. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


21 


companies  who  believed  in  carrying  on  Elizabethan 
traditions  and  had  been  interested  in  privateering  in 
earlier  years,  while  Sandys  had,  since  his  chairmanship 
of  the  Commons  committee  on  the  free  trade  bills  of 
1604,^®  definitely  committed  himself  to  hostility  to  the 
privileged  companies.  Personal  rivalries  and  family 
feuds  were  to  a considerable  extent  responsible  for  the 
ranging  of  the  aristocratic  members  of  the  company  on 
opposite  sides  and  for  their  bitterness  one  against 
another.^ 

Sir  Thomas  Smythe  after  his  displacement  still  re- 
tained the  leadership  of  the  Somers  Islands  Company, 
but  this  did  nothing  to  assuage  ill-feeling,  and  Alderman 
Johnson,  one  of  his  warmest  supporters  in  the  City  of 
London,  attempted  to  organize  an  attack  upon  Sandys, 
the  new  Virginia  treasurer.  He  did  not  secure  much 
support  at  first  and  was  censured  by  a committee  of  the 
Virginia  Company  held  at  Southampton  House*^  on  July 
8,  1619,  of  which  both  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  were  members.  About  the  beginning  of 
1620,  however,  rumours  began  to  spread  abroad  of  some 
mysterious  exploit  against  the  Spaniards  achieved  by 
a certain  Capt.  Daniel  Elfrith  in  a ship  called  the 
Treasurer;  Elfrith  seems  to  have  been  in  a sense  acting 
under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Samuel  Argali,  wdio  had  been 

40  Hewins,  Trade  and  Finance  in  the  17th  Century,  ch.  III. 

41  The  groupings  of  the  parties  in  the  quarrel  recall  the  scandal  that 
divided  society  into  two  hostile  camps  in  the  previous  generation.  Penelope 
Devereux,  Lady  Eich,  Warwick’s  mother,  lived  for  years  in  open  adultery 
with  Charles  Blount,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  and  the  bitterest  hostility  reigned 
between  her  legitimate  offspring  and  the  children  of  her  illicit  union,  of 
whom  the  eldest,  Mountjoy  Blount,  afterwards  Earl  of  Newport,  was 
received  into  high  favour  at  court  in  1617.  Southampton,  SackviUe,  and 
the  Cavendishes  sided  with  the  Blounts  and  it  seems  to  be  a legitimate 
hypothesis  to  assume  that  this  added  another  to  the  many  causes  of  the 
quarrel. 

42  Manch.  Pap.,  nos.  250,  251. 


22 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


governor  of  Virginia  and  was  using  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick’s name  as  a bolster  tp  his  unwarrantable  actions/® 
Elfrith  brought  bis  vessel  to  Bermuda  in  an  unseawortby 
condition  and  with  her  a number  of  negroes.  That  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  was  not  entirely  unconnected  with  the 
Treasurer’s  piratical  proceedings  can  be  seen  by  a letter 
written  to  him  from  Bermuda  by  his  protege,  Capt. 
Nathaniel  Butler,  the  governor,  to  the  effect  that  he  had 
disposed  of  his  lordship’s  negroes  according  to  instruc- 
tions, but  that  the  Treasurer’s  people  were  dangerous- 
tongued  fellows  and  had  given  out  secretly  that,  if  they 
were  not  paid  to  their  uttermost  penny  of  wages,  they 
“would  go  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador  and  tell  all.”^* 
It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  with  some  modern  writers 
that  anything  very  terrible  lay  behind  this  threat  and 
that  the  mariners  of  the  Treasurer  and  her  sister  ship, 
the  Neptune,  were  bloodthirsty  ruffians  of  the  type  of 
the  legendary  Capt.  Kidd,  sailing  beneath  the  skull  and 
cross-bones  and  ready  for  any  deed  of  darkness.  The 
Spanish  ambassador  of  the  time  was  Diego  Sarmiento 
d ’Acuna,  Conde  de  Gondomar;  in  1620  the  broken  thread 
of  negotiation  for  the  Spanish  Match  had  just  been 
picked  up,  and  King  James  was  ready  to  do  anything 
to  propitiate  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Only  two  years 
before,  Raleigh,  in  spite  of  the  semi-approval  with  which 
James  had  regarded  his  proceedings,  had  been  sent  to 
the  block  on  a similar  charge  of  piracy,  and  a threat  of 
disclosure,  therefore,  was  no  idle  one. 

The  council  of  the  Virginia  Company  was  informed 
by  Capt.  Yeardley,  the  governor,  that  the  Treasurer, 
which  was  admitted  to  be  the  Earl  of  Warwick’s  prop- 
erty, was  supposed  to  have  “gone  to  rob  the  King  of 

43  Manch.  Pap.,  no.  262,  20  Jan.,  1620. 

**  Ibid.,  9 Oct.,  1620,  no.  275.  A very  full  list  of  the  documents  con- 
nected with  this  affair  is  contained  in  Kingsbury’s  Eec.  of  Va.  Co. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


23 


Spain’s  subjects  in  the  West  Indies  by  direction  from 
my  Lord  of  Warwick.”^®  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  and  the 
council  agreed  that  it  was  necessary  to  communicate  the 
information  to  the  Privy  Council,  but  only  after  having 
“first  blotted  my  Lord  of  Warwick’s  name  out  of  the 
letters.”  No  action  was  taken  at  the  time  and  the  War- 
wick party  succeeded  in  hushing  matters  up.  Further 
letters  arrived  from  Virginia  with  details  as  to  the  ship’s 
proceedings  derived  from  one  of  the  crew,  who  had  been 
left  behind  in  the  colony;  Sandys  at  once,  on  receipt  of 
these  depositions,  reopened  the  matter  by  assembling  the 
council  and  persuading  them  to  acquaint  the  Spanish 
ambassador  and  the  lords  of  the  Privy  Council  with  the 
facts.  This  step  was  bitterly  resented  by  the  other  side, 
for  its  effect  was  “to  put  upon  my  Lord  of  Warwick 
suddenly  ere  he  was  aware,”  a confiscation  of  the  ship 
and  goods.  The  quarrel  was  henceforward  irreconcilable, 
and  now  became  a matter  of  common  scandal. 

Things  were  going  none  too  well  with  the  Somers 
Islands  Company.  Daniel  Tucker,  the  first  governor, 
was  superseded  in  1619  in  consequence  of  his  constant 
disagreements  with  the  adherents  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich 
and  the  Warwick  party,  and  Capt.  Nathaniel  Butler,  one 
of  Warwick’s  followers,  was  sent  back  to  the  islands  as 
governor;  the  two  factions  in  the  colony  were  always 
quarrelling  and  constant  accusations  were  made  against 
the  governor  of  fostering  pirates,  most  of  whom  seem 
to  have  pretended  to  hold  commissions  from  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  the  familiar  old  commissions  of  the  “Sea- 
beggars.”  Space  will  not  admit  of  an  examination  of 
the  rights  and  wrongs  of  the  case,  but  Butler’s  dealings 
with  a Spanish  wreck  in  1621  provided  specific  grounds 
of  complaint  and  Gondomar,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  Sandys  party,  appealed  to  the  Somers  Islands  Com- 

45  Manch.  Pap.,  no.  279. 


24 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


paiiy^®  and  the  Privy  Council  for  redress.  This  appeal 
and  the  news  of  the  terrible  massacre  of  the  Virginia 
colonists  that  reached  England  in  July,  1622, deter- 
mined the  king  and  his  ministers  that  something  was 
radically  wrong  and  a complete  enquiry  into  the  affairs 
of  both  companies  was  ordered  April  13, 1623.  A variety 
of  evidence  was  brought  before  the  commission  of 
enquiry,  on  one  side  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  Lord 
Cavendish,  Sir  Edward  Sackville,  afterwards  Earl  of 
Dorset,  Sandys,  and  the  Ferrars,  and  on  the  other  by 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Thomas 
Smythe,  and  Alderman  Johnson.  After  a long  and  care- 
ful investigation,  the  Virginia  Company’s  charter  was 
surrendered  October  20, 1623,  and  the  colony  taken  under 
the  direct  management  of  the  crown,  very  much  to  its 
own  benefit.  Attempts  were  made  to  reopen  the  matter 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  these  were  put  an  end  to 
by  a royal  message,  to  the  general  satisfaction.  The 
Somers  Islands  Company  was  permitted  to  continue 
along  the  old  lines,  and  the  struggle  for  control  was 
maintained  with  varying  fortunes,  each  succeeding  treas- 
urer reversing  the  policy  of  his  predecessor  and  sending 
out  a fresh  governor. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  enter  on  this  very  brief  out- 
line of  the  quarrel  in  the  two  companies,  because  to  it 
the  genesis  of  the  Providence  Company  can  be  traced. 
The  orthodox  view  concerning  the  quarrel  and  the 
ensuing  surrender  of  the  Virginia  Company’s  charter, 
as  expressed  by  Doyle  and  other  writers,  is  entirely 
hostile  to  the  Warwick  faction  and  represents  them  as 
mere  tools  of  the  court.  This  is  far  too  simple  an  expla- 
nation of  the  matter,  and  the  causes  would  appear  to 
be  more  complex,  for  the  careers  both  of  Warwick  and 

C.  S.  P.  Col.,  1574-1660,  p.  27.  6 Feb.,  1622. 

Ibid.,  p.  31.  13  .Tuly,  1622. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


25 


Sir  Thomas  Smythe  are  completely  opposed  to  their 
assumed  subserviency.  The  idea  that  in  the  two  factions 
we  have  in  embryo  the  parties  of  the  Civil  War*®  is 
almost  grotesque,  for  in  truth,  as  our  subsequent  pages 
will  show,  there  were  no  more  ardent  opponents  of  an 
absolutist  regime  and  no  stronger  or  more  definite 
Puritans  than  were  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich,  the  so-called  “subservient  tools”  of  the 
court.  Neither  side  in  the  quarrel  could  claim  a 
monopoly  of  virtue  and  it  is  a mistake  to  allow  the  con- 
nection of  the  Earl  of  Southampton  with  Shakespeare, 
the  legendary  saintliness  of  the  character  of  Nicholas 
Ferrar,  or  the  high  spirit  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  to  blind 
us  to  the  many  solid  merits  of  Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich,  Gabriel  Barber,  and  their  other 
opponents. 

The  abandonment  of  the  West  Indian  trade  after  the 
conclusion  of  peace  in  1604  by  the  more  prominent  Eng- 
lish merchants  did  not  by  any  means  bring  to  an  end 
English  dealings  in  Guiana  and  the  Caribbean.  Clan- 
destine trade  was  still  carried  on  and  to  such  an  extent 
as  to  involve  the  Spanish  authorities  in  continual  anxiety. 
The  vessels  engaged  in  the  trade,  however,  were  now  of 
small  burthen  and  were  equipped  and  set  forth  mainly 
from  Irish  ports  and  from  Barnstaple  and  Dartmouth, 
where  there  was  less  likelihood  of  coming  into  conflict 
with  the  authorities  than  in  ports  nearer  the  seat  of 
government.  So  great  was  the  damage  done  to  Spanish 
commerce  that  in  1607  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  was 
forbidden  in  the  provinces  of  Caracas  and  Venezuela  for 

*8  This  idea  has  astonishing  vitality.  In  the  recently  published  ‘ ‘ England 
in  America”  (Vol.  4 of  The  American  Nation,  p.  76)  the  author  speaks  of 
the  ‘ ‘ Court  ’ ’ party  with  Sir  Eobert  Eieh  at  its  head,  while  the  ‘ ‘ Country  ’ ’ 
or  “patriot”  party  is  led  by  Southampton,  Sandys,  and  Ferrar.  For  a 
juster  view  of  the  matter  see  Scott’s  Joint  Stock  Companies  to  1720,  II, 
269-287. 


26 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


ten  years  owing  to  the  large  numbers  of  English  and 
Dutch  who  were  attracted  to  purchase  it.*®  Little  effect 
was  produced  by  the  prohibition,  for  from  1610  to  1620 
the  Island  of  Trinidad  seems  to  have  been  a regular 
emporium  for  the  illicit  tobacco  trade,®®  and  firms  like 
the  Reskeimers  of  Dartmouth,  the  Delbridges  of  Barn- 
staple, and,  on  a larger  scale,  the  Courteens  of  Middle- 
burg  made  large  sums  in  the  trade.  Nor  did  the  trade 
with  the  Indians  languish;  repeated  attempts  to  found 
English  trading  stations  on  the  Guiana  rivers  were  made 
and  it  has  been  shown®*  that  such  Dutch  firms  as  the  Cour- 
teens were  building  up  a perfect  network  of  trade-routes 
in  the  interior  of  South  America.  Leigh’s  colony  upon 
the  Wiapoco  in  1604-1606  was  a disastrous  failure,®®  but 
Sir  Thomas  Roe  saw  the  beginnings  of  his  life  of  adven- 
ture in  a couple  of  years’  trading  (1606-1607)  upon  the 
Guiana  coast  and  several  of  the  pioneer  Virginia  colo- 
nists gained  their  experience  with  him  in  exploring  the 
swamps  of  the  Wiapoco  and  the  Cuyuni.®®  Robert  Har- 
court  in  1608  obtained  a patent  from  Henry,  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  set  sail  from  Dartmouth  with  ninety-seven 
men  to  attempt  a trading  colony  on  the  Wiapoco;®*  the 
attempt  was  a failure  and  in  1610  the  remaining  colonists 
were  scattered  among  the  Indians,  and  for  eight  or  nine 
years  subsisted  in  native  fashion  and  with  occasional 
supplies  obtained  from  the  Dutch.®®  Raleigh’s  last  voy- 
age in  1617  ended,  as  is  well  known,  in  utter  disaster. 


■49  Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36319,  fo.  141.  Sancho  de  Aljuiza  to  the 
King.  June  15,  1607. 

50  Add.  MSS.,  36319,  passim. 

51  G.  Edmundson,  Arts,  in  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  1896-1903. 

52  For  an  account  of  this  attempt  see  Purchas,  XVI,  316  sqq. 

53  Smith's  Worics,  p.  896,  and  Brown,  Genesis  of  United  States,  I,  375, 
re  Eoe’s  voyage  of  1610. 

54  Purchas,  XVI,  358. 

55  Smith,  p.  897. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


27 


but  the  breaking  off  of  the  Spanish  negotiations  in  1618 
and  the  downfall  of  the  king’s  pro-Spanish  favourites, 
the  Howards,  seemed  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his 
associates  a propitious  opportunity  to  undertake  the 
colonisation  of  Guiana  in  a more  ambitious  way  than  had 
before  been  tried.  The  company  undertaking  the  project 
was  largely  organised  by  Warwick,®®  a patent  for  the 
colony  was  obtained®'  and  Capt.  Roger  North,  brother 
of  Lord  North  and  Warwick’s  cousin,  was  despatched 
to  Guiana  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  men ; there  they 
joined  forces  with  the  remnant  of  Harcourt’s  colonists 
and  tobacco  planting  was  begun.  But,  early  in  1620, 
Gondomar  returned  to  England,  the  broken  thread  of 
negotiation  for  the  Spanish  Match  was  taken  up,  and 
on  May  7,  1620,®®  Warwick  was  ordered  by  the  Privy 
Council  to  deliver  up  the  commission  on  which  North 
had  sailed  and  compelled  to  disavow  his  proceedings. 
Gondomar ’s  protests  to  King  James  were  so  effective 
that  on  North’s  return  to  England  in  December,  1620, 
to  secure  fresh  supplies  he  was  imprisoned  in  the  Tower 
and  his  goods  confiscated.  His  men,  abandoned  in  Guiana, 
dispersed  themselves  among  the  Indians  or  joined  forces 
with  the  Dutch.  Among  the  colonists  thus  abandoned 
was  one  Thomas  Warner,®®  who,  having  remained  in 
Guiana  about  two  years,  returned  to  England  by 
way  of  the  Caribbee  Islands  with  two  companions. 
Watering  at  St.  Christopher  on  the  homeward  voyage, 
Warner  became  friendly  with  Togreman,  the  Carib  chief 

56  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  30  April,  1619,  Locke  to  Carleton. 

57  C.  S.  P.  Col.,  30  April,  1619,  p.  21. 

58  Acts  of  Privy  Council,  Col.,  I,  36. 

59  The  outline  of  Warner ’s  proceedings  in  the  text  is  based  upon  three 
sources  of  authority:  Smith’s  account,  1629,  Worlcs,  p.  898  sqq.,  John 
Hilton’s  account,  1675,  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2395,  fo.  503;  and  Sloane  MSS., 
3662,  fo.  45a,  written  by  Major  Scott,  1667.  For  a discussion  of  the  relia- 
bility of  this  last  authority,  see  Edmundson,  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.  (1901),  XVI, 
640. 


28 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


of  the  island;  on  his  return  to  England  he  succeeded  in 
securing  some  capital  from  one  Merrifield,  a merchant 
interested  in  the  clandestine  West  Indian  trade,  and  with 
fourteen  companions  sailed  at  the  end  of  1622  for 
Virginia  and  thence  to  St.  Christopher,  where  they 
commenced  planting  tobacco  on  January  28,  1623.®° 
Warner’s  small  band  lived  in  amity  with  the  Caribs  for 
some  time,  but  difficulties  at  length  arose,  and  it  was 
only  by  a series  of  fortunate  happenings  that  the  infant 
colony  was  saved  from  destruction.  To  secure  assist- 
ance against  the  Caribs,®’  Warner  acquiesced  in  the 
division  of  the  island  between  his  men  and  a band  of 
Frenchmen  under  D’Esnambuc,  who  had  landed  there 
not  long  after  him. 

The  breaking  off  of  the  Spanish  Match  in  1623  and 
Buckingham’s  hostility  to  Spain  removed  the  difficulties 
that  had  lain  in  the  way  of  early  colonising  attempts. 
The  foundation  of  the  Dutch  West  Indian  Company  in 
1621  put  into  practice  the  ideas  of  colonisation  at  the 
expense  of  Spain  as  opposed  to  freebooting  that  Willem 
Usselincx  had  so  long  been  urging  and  its  early  success 
pointed  out  to  the  general  public  both  in  England  and 
France  that  the  West  Indies  offered  a profitable  field 
for  colonisation.  Within  a month  or  so  of  the  rupture 
with  Spain  we  find  Secretary  Conway  proposing®^  that 
a colonising  enterprise  should  be  undertaken  in  the  West 
Indies  in  concert  with  Holland  in  order  to  draw  off  idle 
people  from  the  kingdom  without  cost  to  the  king.  In 
April,  1625,  Sir  John  Coke  proposed  to  the  king®®  to 

®o  Smith,  p.  900. 

01  This  is  the  version  of  the  story  given  in  1675  by  one  of  the  first  English 
settlers.  (Eg.,  2.395,  fo.  509.)  A good  deal  of  dispute  raged  in  1675  about 
the  whole  sequence  of  these  events,  but  the  facts  appear  to  be  as  given. 
Du  Tertre  is  our  authority  on  the  French  side. 

02  C.  S.  P.  Pom.,  1623,  no.  64. 

03 /hid.,  14  April,  1625. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


29 


incorporate  a company  for  defence  and  protection  in  the 
West  Indies  and  to  develop  English  trade  thither;  in 
the  same  month  Attorney  General  Heath  drew  up  a 
memorandum®^  for  Charles  I,  stating  that  it  was  neither 
safe  nor  profitable  for  the  Spaniards  and  Dutch  to  be 
absolute  lords  of  the  West  Indies  and  suggesting  English 
intervention,  either  openly  or  underhand.  Preparations 
for  the  war  with  Spain  were  now  in  full  swing  and  any 
suggestions  for  weakening  the  Spanish  power  were  lis- 
tened to  by  Charles  and  Buckingham  with  the  utmost 
readiness.  Among  the  Clarendon  State  Papers®®  there 
has  been  preserved  a remarkable  plan,  presented  to 
Buckingham  by  a fugitive  Spaniard,  shovfing  how  Eng- 
land, without  the  expenditure  of  much  capital,  might 
found  an  English  empire  in  the  heart  of  the  Spanish 
Indies.  There  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  plan 
was  introduced  to  Buckingham’s  notice  by  Warwick’s 
mediation,  and  we  have  here  probably  the  first  germ  of 
some  of  the  ideas  animating  the  Providence  Company 
a few'  years  later.  Among  the  bustle  of  the  war  prepara- 
tions no  steps  could  be  taken  for  a West  Indian  expedi- 
tion, but  the  change  of  circumstances  now’  made  it  easy 
for  adventurous  spirits  to  find  capitalists  ready  to 
finance  their  colonising  schemes.  Warner  returned  to 
England  in  September,  1625,  and  with  Ralph  Merrifield 
obtained  from  the  crow’n  letters  patent®®  for  the  colony 
of  St.  Christopher,  and  for  the  colonisation  of  Nevis, 
Barbadoes,  and  Montserrat;  in  the  same  year,  Capt.  John 
Powell  in  the  William  and  John  wfith  thirty  settlers 
financed  by  Sir  William  Courteen,  made  the  first 
permanent  English  settlement  in  Barbadoes. 

When  grants  and  privileges  had  to  be  obtained  from 

6*  C.  S.  P.  Col.,  [April]  1625,  p.  73. 

63  Clar.  State  Pap.,  vol.  I. 

66  C.  S.  P.  Col.,  1574-1660,  13  Sept.,  1625. 


30 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  crown,  it  was  useful  to  have  on  one’s  side  a persona 
grata  at  court;  Merrifield  and  Warner  succeeded  in 
interesting  in  their  cause  James  Hay,  the  Earl  of 
Carlisle,  and  1626  saw  the  grant  of  rights  of  government 
over  the  whole  of  the  Caribbee  Islands  to  the  earl,  who 
at  once  took  effective  steps  to  enforce  his  rights.  In 
1627  he  and  the  merchants  associated  with  him  des- 
patched several  emigrants  and  a store  of  ordnance  to 
St.  Christopher  and  the  first  English  colony  in  the  West 
Indies  was  fairly  launched.  Courteen,  not  to  be  out- 
done, secured  the  patronage  of  Lord  Treasurer  Ley,  Earl 
of  Marlborough,  for  his  colony  in  Barbadoes,  but  in 
1627  a wholesale  grant  covering  many  islands  was 
bestowed  upon  the  lord  chamberlain,  Philip,  Earl  of 
Montgomery,  and  considerable  confusion  ensued.  The 
further  fortunes  of  these  grants  and  of  the  colonies 
established  in  virtue  of  them  need  not  detain  us  here, 
but  we  shall  have  to  return  to  the  early  history  of  St. 
Christopher  and  Nevis  in  a later  chapter. 

Between  1623  and  1628  the  affairs  of  the  Somers 
Islands  Company  had  been  steadily  going  from  bad  to 
worse;  John  Bernard,  the  governor  sent  out  in  1622  to 
investigate  Capt.  Butler’s  proceedings,  died  within  a 
few  weeks  of  his  arrival,  and  his  successor,  John  Har- 
rison, a nominee  of  the  Sandys  faction,  only  held  office 
for  a year  (1623).  He  was  succeeded  by  Capt.  Henry 
Woodhouse  (1623-1626),  and  he  again  by  Capt.  Philip 
Bell,  a man  of  good  family  and  an  adherent  of  the  War- 
wick party.  Constant  complaints  were  received  in  Eng- 
land of  the  monopolist  proceedings  of  the  company’s 
agents,  who  bought  the  planters  ’ produce  cheap  and  sold 
in  return  the  necessaries  of  life  at  exorbitant  rates,  while 
the  company  were  engaged  in  a perpetual  struggle  with 
a merchant,  John  Delbridge  of  Barnstaple,  who  desired 
to  secure  the  right  of  trade  to  the  islands  without  paying 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


31 


the  very  high  license  duties  demanded.  The  colonists  at 
length  in  1628  appealed  to  the  House  of  Commons  for 
redress  and  a committee  of  enquiry  was  appointed 
numbering  among  its  members  John  Pym,®^  whose  name 
now  appears  for  the  first  time  in  connection  with  colonial 
affairs.  The  committee  prepared  a petition  to  the  king 
in  the  colonists’  favour,  but  little  appears  to  have  come 
of  it  save  an  order  of  the  Privy  Council  for  an  abatement 
of  the  tobacco  duty  in  favour  of  the  adventurers. 

On  April  28,  1629,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  one  of  the  most 
active  members  of  the  Somers  Islands  Company,  received 
from  Capt.  Philip  Bell,  the  governor  of  the  islands,  a 
long  and  closely  written  letter®*  of  four  quarto  pages. 
The  writer  expresses  grief  and  surprise  that  he  had  been 
blamed  by  the  company  at  home  without  having  had  an 
opportunity  of  defending  himself.  He  describes  the 
many  difficulties  against  which  he  has  had  to  contend 
and  the  factions  existing  in  Bermuda,  and  then  proceeds 
to  the  main  business  of  his  letter.  This  is  of  so  much 
importance  in  our  enquiry  that  his  words  must  be 
reproduced  in  extenso: 

Now  to  the  main  business  I come  without  further  interrup- 
tion, which  is  that  two  of  your  ships,  the  “Earl  of  Warwick” 
and  the  “Somers  Islands”  are  now  returning  home  again  and 
in  the  “Earl  of  Warwick”  is  Daniel  Elfrith  himself  coming, 
who  hath  put  himself  out  of  his  own  ship  into  it  because  she 
hath  neither  captain  nor  master  left  for  her  safe  conduct  home. 
The  other  is  furnished  still  with  the  full  company  that  brought 
her  out,  though  no  present  purchase  is  returned  according  to 
hopeful  expectation,  for  it  was  unhappily  lost  and  missed  of. 
Capt.  Cammoek  with  thirty  odd  men  is  left  upon  an  island 
called  St.  Andreas,  which  is  a very  fertile  and  hopeful  place  and 
such  as  is  hoped  will  give  the  adventurers  good  satisfaction. 

C.  S.  P.  Col;  19  June,  1628. 

Manch.  Pap.,  no.  416. 


32 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Notwithstanding  his  own  fElfrith’s]  island,  which  was  pointed 
and  aimed  at,  he  hath  yet  reserved  undiscovered  to  himself.  So 
I put  it  only  into  my  Lord’s  own  hands  and  yours  with  such 
selected  friends  and  companions  as  shall  be  thought  worthy  to 
be  made  partakers  thereof.  For  he  doth  absolutely  refuse  and 
resolve  the  whole  company  [the  Somers  Is.  Company]  shall  never 
more  have  to  do  with  him,  in  respect  of  their  ingratitude  towards 
him  for  his  pains  and  endeavors  already  past. 

The  name  of  it  [the  island]  is  Kathalina  and  [it]  lies  not 
above  20  or  30  leagues  from  the  other  where  his  men  are  left, 
but  it  differs  much  from  that  place  both  in  the  pleasantness 
and  rich  fertility  of  the  soil,  and,  which  is  very  material,  half 
the  charge  will  fortify  this  and  make  it  invincible,  which  must 
go  to  the  other  where  they  are.  Neither  indeed  can  that  possibly 
ever  be  made  half  so  strong,  but  which  is  notwithstanding  hope- 
ful because  freer  from  enemies  and  more  out  of  harm’s  way 
and  all  danger.®® 

There  is  another  island,  called  Fonceta,'^®  which  lies  some  100 
leagues  to  the  eastwards  of  the  Caribbee  Islands  and  out  of 
all  the  Spaniards  roads  and  ways,  which  by  the  report  of  some 
Indians,  which  once  strayed  from  thence  and  could  never  find 
it  again,  as  also  of  some  seamen  who  once  touched  there  and 
Daniel  Elfrith  did  afterwards  speak  vdthal;  it  is  one  of  the 
bravest  and  most  fertile  islands  in  the  world,  having  according 
to  the  pilot  three  fair  rivers  in  it,  and  is  likewise  well  fortified 
and  encompassed  with  rocks  and  shoals  for  defence  against  all 
enemies.  This  island  I have  set  Daniel  Elfrith  in  resolution  to 
discover,  which  may  be  done  in  sending  to  the  other  islands 
without  any  further  charge  or  trouble  worth  the  speaking  of, 
being  not  above  80  leagues  out  of  the  way  [the  way  from  Ber- 
muda to  Santa  Catalina],  which  in  all  likelihood  will  not  be 
above  four  or  five  days’  sail  at  the  most,  and  so  if  he  can  find 
the  island,  as  neither  I nor  himself  do  make  any  question,  and  if 
he  find  it  answerable  to  report  and  our  expectation,  then  he  may 

89  San  Andreas  lies  further  up  on  the  great  Moskito  Bank  than  does 
Santa  Catalina.  Bell  means  that  it  lies  more  out  of  the  track  of  ships 
from  Cartagena. 

TO  Mythical,  see  below,  pp.  132-134. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


33 


stay  and  settle  with  his  men  and  provisions  there  without  going 
further.  But  if  either  he  or  the  place  should  fail  of  our  hopes, 
then,  without  any  prejudice  at  all,  he  may  proceed  forwards  to 
the  island  which  cannot  fail,  and  which  he  knows  as  perfectly 
as  needs  to  be,  and  than  this  island  already  known  none  can  be 
more  fruitful  or  more  hopeful,  but  yet  it  lying  in  the  heart  of 
the  Indies  and  the  mouth  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  other  lying 
far  from  both,  it  [Fonceta]  is  therefore  much  to  be  preferred 
before  it,  and  there  is  neither  of  them  but  in  short  time  [could] 
be  made  more  rich  and  bountiful  either  by  tobacco  or  any 
other  commodities  than  double  or  treble  any  man’s  estate  in 
all  England;  though  they  should  utterly  fail  of  any  gold  or 
silver  mines,  which  notwithstanding  is  very  hopeful,  they  may 
be  enriched  withal. 

And  as  for  this  island,  the  strength  and  work  of  the  land 
doth  so  much  decrease  and  decay  daily  that  in  a short  time  it 
will  be  of  very  small  vali;e  or  profit,  especially  so  much  tobacco 
now  being  planted  and  being  brought  home  of  better  quality 
and  from  richer  climates  and  plantations,  and  I make  a ques- 
tion whether  this  will  shortly  be  worth  anything  at  all.  For 
my  part,  therefore,  though  I shall  be  willing  for  my  credit’s 
sake  and  the  country’s  good,  but  also  for  the  propagation  of 
the  Gospel  and  the  service  of  my  good  God,  to  stay  here  yet  one, 
two  or  three  years  longer  if  my  Lord  [Warwick]  and  yourself 
[Rich]  shall  think  fit  so  to  dispose  and  command  me,  yet  longer 
than  that  same  [I  am]  absolutely  unwilling.  For  one  year  in 
one  of  those  places  will  be  more  profitable  than  seven  years 
here,  and  I am  resolved  that  in  which  of  those  islands  Daniel 
Elfrith  shall  settle  his  good  liking  and  abode,  that  there  will  I 
settle  my  abode  with  him  likewise,  for  out  of  his  part  of  the 
land  in  both  he  hath  promised  a good  proportion  to  myself  as 
a portion  with  his  daughter. 

In  the  way  and  means  of  proceeding  I have  likewise  deliv- 
ered my  opinion  to  my  Lord,  as  first  that  Daniel  Elfrith ’s  own 
advice  in  everything  may  be  followed,  that  he  may  be  set  out  in 
a ship  or  two  belonging  solely  to  my  Lord,  yourself  and  such 
special  friends,  that  things  may  be  carried  and  done  with  all 


34 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


possible  secrecy.  That  my  Lord  may  get  the  patent  of  Fonceta, 
or  rather  of  both,  before  they  be  discovered,  which  will  be  easily 
obtained  and  will  take  away  all  the  claim  and  opposition  of 
my  Lord  of  Carlisle  or  any  other.  And  thus  having  contracted 
and  finished  my  matter  and  room  together,  I will  conclude  all 
and  myself. 

Your  really  affected  friend  and  servant 

Philip  Bell. 

Gov.  Bell  addressed  this  most  important  letter  to  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  as  second  in  command  and  business  head 
of  the  Warwick  faction,  whose  connection  with  the  Vir- 
ginia and  Somers  Islands  companies  has  already  been 
noticed.  Their  interest  in  colonial  affairs  had  been 
heightened  during  the  years  1625  to  1629  by  many  causes, 
and  Bell’s  letter  arrived  in  England  at  a moment  when 
the  future  government  of  the  English  race  lay  in  the 
balance.  What  were  the  conditions  governing  this  critical 
position,  can  be  most  properly  considered  if  the  career 
of  the  head  of  the  Warwick  party,  Robert  Rich,  second 
Earl  of  Warwick,  is  examined. 

Robert  Rich,  eldest  son  of  the  third  Lord  Rich  and 
great-grandson  of  Richard,  first  Lord  Rich,  Chancellor 
of  the  Court  of  Augmentations  to  Henry  VIII,  after- 
wards lord  chancellor,  and  the  founder  of  the  family 
fortunes,  was  born  in  1587  and  educated  at  Emmanuel 
College,  the  principal  Puritan  college  at  Cambridge 
under  Elizabeth,  where  he  was  a contemporary  of  the 
celebrated  Puritan,  John  Preston.  He  represented  Mal- 
don  in  the  parliaments  of  1610  and  1614,  and  succeeded 
his  father  as  second  Earl  of  Warwick  in  1619.  The  anti- 
Spanish  schemes  of  the  Rich  family  rendered  them  dis- 
tasteful to  James  I,  but  the  hitch  in  the  negotiations  for 
the  Spanish  Match  in  1618  was  marked  by  the  bestowal 
of  the  earldom  of  Warwick  upon  the  third  Lord  Rich; 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


35 


Robert  Rich’s  strong-  Puritan  leanings  made  court  life 
distasteful  to  him  and  his  attention  was  very  early 
directed  to  colonial  ventures,  to  which  he  was  drawn  by 
his  interest  in  the  privateering  enterprises  of  his  family. 
He  was,  as  has  been  shown,  an  active  member  of  the 
Virginia  Company  and  in  1614  became  one  of  the  original 
members  of  the  Somers  Islands  Company.  In  1618  he 
possessed  fourteen  shares  in  the  company  and  one  of  the 
divisions  of  the  islands  was  called  Warwick  Tribe  in  his 
honour;  in  1616  he  and  his  father  fitted  out  two  ships 
and  despatched  them  with  a Savoy  commissions^  on  a 
roving  voyage  to  the  East  Indies.  Their  seizure  of  a 
ship,  worth  £100,000,  belonging  to  the  Great  Mogul,  and 
its  recapture  by  an  East  India  Company’s  ship,  involved 
Rich  in  a long  dispute  with  the  company,  but  this  and 
other  subsequent  disputes  did  not  prevent  his  active 
participation  in  their  enterprises,  and  we  find  him  a 
constant  attendant  at  the  company’s  courts  and  repeat- 
edly borrowing  from  the  stock  ordnance  and  stores  for 
his  ships.s^ 

In  1618  Warwick  became  one  of  the  original  members 
of  the  Guinea  Company,  newly  incorporated  to  engage 
in  the  profitable  traffic  in  African  negroes.  In  the  same 
year  the  Treasurer,  commanded  by  Daniel  Elfrith,  was 
fitted  out  and  provided  with  a Savoy  commission  as  a 
man-of-war.  She  carried  to  Virginia  the  first  cargo  of 
negroes  ever  sold  there  and,  as  we  have  shown,  her 
arrival  provided  War-wick’s  enemies  in  the  Virginia 
Company  with  one  of  their  sharpest  weapons  of  attack. 
They  accused  him  of  piratical  dealings,  but  it  is  quite 
possible  that  there  is  some  connection  between  the  Treas- 

Obtained  in  return  for  a large  money  payment  from  Searnafissi,  the 
agent  of  Charles  Emmanuel  I,  who  was  then  upon  a money-seeking  mission 
in  England. 

T2  C.  S.  P.  East  Indies,  19  March,  1627,  March,  1628,  March,  1629,  etc. 


36 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


urer’s  voyage  and  Warwick’s  venture  in  the  Guinea  Com- 
pany. If  this  were  so,  the  negroes  might  have  been 
obtained  in  an  entirely  legitimate  way,  as  Elfrith  main- 
tained. At  any  rate,  it  is  one  of  the  ironies  of  history  that 
it  should  have  been  through  the  agency  of  one  and  the 
same  man  that  negroes  were  first  introduced  into  British 
America  and  that  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  the 
foremost  abolition  state,  was  obtained. 

In  1619  Warwick  took  a prominent  part  in  financing 
North’s  Guiana  expedition,  and  in  1620  he  was  granted 
a seat  in  the  council  of  the  resuscitated  Plymouth  Com- 
pany for  New  England  and  was  frequently  present  at  its 
meetings,^®  as  was  a neighbour  of  his.  Sir  John  Bourchier, 
whose  daughter,  Elizabeth,  had  recently  married  Oliver 
Cromwell.  Warwick,  as  the  organiser  of  the  Guiana 
Company,  had  for  some  time  been  in  touch  with  Robin- 
son’s congregation  of  Separatists  at  Leyden,  who  were 
contemplating  emigration  to  Guiana,^^  but  the  dissolution 
of  the  company  turned  their  hopes  to  North  Virginia,  and 
thither  the  Mayflower  sailed  in  August,  1620.  As  will 
be  remembered,  the  accidents  of  the  voyage  compelled 
the  Pilgrims  to  land  at  Plymouth  in  New  England  and 
outside  the  limit  of  the  Virginia  Company’s  patent,  and 
Warwick’s  influence  was  again  employed  to  secure  from 
the  Council  for  New  England  a patent  for  the  land  on 
which  the  new  settlement  was  founded.^®  It  is  another 
striking  fact  in  Warwick’s  career  that  he  was  the  only 
person  of  high  rank  and  influence  connected  with  all  the 
bodies  with  whom  the  Leyden  pilgrims  negotiated  before 
they  could  secure  a home  for  themselves  in  the  New 
World.  He  was  a member  of  the  Guiana  Company,  the 

T3  ‘ ‘ Eecords  of  Council  for  New  England.  ’ ’ Printed  in  Proceedings  of 
American  Antiquarian  Society  for  1867  and  1875. 

Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  (ed.  Ford,  1912),  I,  61-62. 

75  June  1,  1621. 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


Virginia  Company,  and  the  Council  for  New  England, 
and  it  was  he  w’ho,  as  president  of  the  last  of  these, 
obtained  the  grant  of  the  second  Plynionth  patent  on 
January  13,  1630J® 

The  breach  with  Spain  in  1623  threw  George  Villiers, 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  all-powerful  favourite  of 
James  and  Charles,  on  to  the  side  of  the  anti-Spanish 
and  Puritan  party  and  in  1625  he  became  an  adventurer 
along  with  Warwick  for  the  discovery  of  the  Northwest 
Passaged"  This  alliance  of  Buckingham  with  the  Puri- 
tans was  marked  by  Warwick’s  appointment  as  lord 
lieutenant  of  Essex;  his  brother  Henry  had  been  since 
1618  in  high  favour  at  court  and  was  one  of  Bucking- 
ham’s most  intimate  friends.  In  1623  Henry  was 
created  Baron  Kensington,  was  sent  with  Carlisle  to 
France  in  1624  to  arrange  Charles’s  marriage  with 
Louis  XIII ’s  sister,  Henrietta  Maria,  and  on  his  return 
was  created  Earl  of  Holland.  Holland  henceforward 
became  the  queen’s  mouthpiece  in  English  politics  and 
was  always  hostile  to  the  Spanish  party  at  court.  War- 
wick’s connection  with  the  court  was  shortlived;  he 
sided  against  Buckingham  in  the  parliament  of  1626  and 
in  November  joined  with  Lord  Saye,  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  and  other  Puritan  peers  in  refusing  to  pay  the 
forced  loan  that  was  the  king’s  expedient  for  financing 
the  war.  The  value  of  the  Rich  navy,  however,  was  so 
great  that  in  March,  1627,  a very  full  commission  was 
issued  to  Warwick  authorising  him  to  undertake  hostili- 
ties against  the  Spaniards,  the  commission^®  being 

■«  Bradford  (1908  edition),  p.  248  and  note;  (Ford,  ed.,  1912),  II,  69-70. 

C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  April,  1625. 

78  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  18  Mar.,  1627.  Bequest  from  Secretary  Coke  to  Attorney 
General  Heath  to  prepare  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick  such  a commission  as 
was  granted  by  Queen  Elizabeth  to  the  Earl  of  Cumberland.  For  enlarge- 
ment, V.  ibid.,  17  April,  1627.  The  exact  bearing  of  this  and  some  of  the 
other  commissions  of  the  period  upon  the  prize  law  of  the  time  is  dealt 


38 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


modelled  on  the  lines  of  Queen  Elizabeth’s  commission 
to  the  Earl  of  Cumberland.  By  an  enlargement  of  the 
commission  in  April,  1627,  Warwick  was  authorised  to 
invade  or  possess  any  of  the  dominions  of  the  king  of 
Spain  or  the  archdukes  in  Europe,  Africa,  or  America, 
but  the  issue  of  this  commission  was  not  at  all  well 
received  by  the  court  party  and  we  find  Secretary 
Nicholas  writing  in  the  following  October  that  Lord 
Warwick’s  commission  would  never  have  passed  had  it 
not  been  for  the  puzzle  of  the  great  preparations  then 
in  hand  for  the  Rochelle  expedition.^® 

In  pursuance  of  this  commission  Warwick,  with  the 
aid  of  some  London  merchants,®®  fitted  out  a fleet  of  eight 
ships  and  put  to  sea  in  the  hope  of  capturing  the  Brazil 
fleet.  He  failed  in  his  attempt  and  himself  narrowly 
escaped  capture,  while  his  financial  resources  were  badly 
crippled.  In  1628  and  1629  he  sent  out  more  ships  and 
took  prizes  both  from  the  Spaniards  and  from  the 
Genoese,  which  brought  him  little  profit  but  involved 
him  in  legal  disputes  that  were  unsettled  for  many  years. 
Among  other  ships  he  despatched  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
and  the  Somers  Islands  to  the  West  Indies  on  the  voyage 
that  is  referred  to  in  Capt.  Bell’s  letter.  Warwick  did 
not  stand  alone  in  these  ventures,  but  may  be  regarded 
as  the  head  of  a clan,  composed  on  the  one  hand  of  his 
own  relatives  and  adherents  and  on  the  other  of  a body  of 
powerful  London  merchants.  We  have  seen  the  clan  in 
action  in  the  disputes  of  the  Virginia  Company,  and 
during  the  years  that  had  since  elapsed,  the  group  had 

with  in  an  article  on  ‘ ‘ Early  Prize  Law,  ’ ’ by  Mr.  R.  G.  Marsden  in  the 
English  Historical  Review  for  April,  1910. 

79  C.  S.  P.  Horn.,  25  Oct.,  1627.  Nicholas’s  Letter  Book,  p.  64. 

80  Coke  MSS.,  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Twelfth  Report,  App  ’x,  p.  297.  War- 
wick to  Sir  John  Coke,  “I  agreed  with  Mr.  Attorney  and  the  Judge  of 
the  Admiralty  upon  a commission  and  shewed  it  to  divers  merchants,  my 
partners,  who  have  come  in  and  adventured  their  money.  ’ ’ 


ENGLISH  COLONISATION 


39 


been  further  cemented  together  by  the  groAving  unity 
of  feeling  in  the  Puritan  party.  The  intimate  business 
alliance  of  such  members  of  the  Upper  House  as  War- 
wick, Saye,  and  Brooke  with  great  London  merchants  is 
prominent  throughout  our  pages  and  we  must  recognize 
that  these  commercial  bonds  are  of  great  importance 
in  the  history  of  the  time,  as  rendering  it  easier  for  great 
nobles  and  wealthy  country  gentlemen  to  unite  with  the 
city  merchants  and  to  work  side  by  side  with  them  in 
the  constitutional  struggle  against  the  crown.  Such  a 
union  would  have  been  impossible  at  an  earlier  period. 


CHAPTER  II 


PURITAN  EMIGRATION  AND  THE  FORMATION 
OF  THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


To  appreciate  justly  the  causes  governing  the  course 
of  colonial  events  in  the  momentous  years  1628-1629  is 
impossible  without  some  realisation  of  the  general  pos- 
ture of  affairs  in  England  and  Europe  at  the  time  and 
to  this  we  must  for  a moment  turn  our  attention.  The 
high  hopes  with  which  the  nation  had  welcomed  the 
accession  of  the  debonair  young  king  and  had  taken 
up  arms  once  more  against  the  hated  Spaniards,  had 
crumbled  under  disaster  after  disaster.  The  Cadiz 
expedition  had  ended  in  demoralisation  and  disgrace, 
the  vaunted  French  alliance  had  been  frittered  away 
in  ignoble  squabbles  and  had  resulted  in  naught  but 
the  use  of  English  ships  against  Protestant  Rochelle; 
nothing  had  been  done  to  aid  the  King  of  Denmark  in 
delivering  the  persecuted  churches  of  Bohemia  and  the 
Palatinate,  while  the  expeditions  for  the  relief  of  those 
Rochellois  whom  England  had  encouraged  in  their 
resistance  to  their  king,  had  returned  each  a more 
broken,  more  diseased,  and  more  disgraceful  failure  than 
the  last  though  Rochelle  was  slowly  starving  to  death 
with  a shuddering  dread  of  the  vengeance  of  Richelieu 
in  a final  sack.  Nor  were  home  affairs  in  a more  hopeful 
condition ; the  incompetence  of  the  government  was 
flagrant,  but  its  demands  for  money  were  unceasing  and 
those  who  refused  its  forced  loans  were  imprisoned 
without  trial  or  banished  from  their  homes.  The 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


41 


countryside  swarmed  with  unpaid  and  mutinous  soldiery, 
torn  from  their  parishes  by  the  press-gang  and  billeted 
on  all  below  the  rank  of  gentleman.  Robbery  and  out- 
rage afflicted  their  unwilling  hosts,  and  no  redress  could 
be  obtained ; yet  while  the  poor  were  thus  oppressed  and 
the  rich  were  fleeced  without  warrant  of  law,  the  religiousv^ 
feelings  of  some  of  the  most  upright  members  of  the 
community  were  wounded  by  the  silencing  of  the  Calvin- 
istic  lectures  and  pamphleteers ; the  protagonists  of  the 
Arminians  received  preferment  to  the  highest  dignities 
in  the  church,  and  the  penalties  against  recusants  re- 
mained a dead  letter  to  please  the  queen  and  her  brother, 
the  king  of  France,  though  the  countries  were  at  open 
war.  Never  in  English  history  had  the  government  faced  ^ 
so  united  an  opposition  as  when  Charles  I’s  third  parlia- 
ment opened  in  March,  1628,  but  never  did  a monarch 
fail  so  to  realise  his  position.  For  two  months  the  debate 
of  grievances  went  on  behind  the  closed  doors  of  parlia- 
ment, while  to  common  men  the  outlook  was  becoming 
ever  blacker. 

It  was  during  these  months  of  gloom  that  there  were 
passed  from  hand  to  hand  the  suggestions  of  one  of  the 
most  respected  Puritan  divines,  John  White  of  Dorches- 
ter, for  the  founding  of  a refuge  in  another  land  for 
God’s  oppressed  people,  where  a bulwark  might  be 
raised  “against  the  kingdom  of  Anti-Christ  which  the 
Jesuits  labour  to  rear  up  in  all  quarters  of  the  world.” 
White  had  been  connected  before  with  a colonising  effort 
in  New  England  of  some  Dorchester  merchants  and  the 
treasurer  of  this  defunct  company,  John  Humphry, 
brother-in-law  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  determined  to 
obtain  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  now  beginning 
to  be  looked  up  to  as  the  head  of  the  Puritans,  a grant 
of  land  in  New  England  whereon  he  and  others  inter- 
ested in  carrjdng  out  White’s  new  project  might  found 


42 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


their  settlement.  In  June,  1623,  the  Council  for  New 
England,  finding  it  impossible  to  secure  capital  or  set- 
tlers for  their  territory,  had  decided^  to  divide  the  whole 
region  into  twenty  shares  to  be  distributed  by  lot  among 
those  of  the  council  who  had  paid  in  capital  to  the  stock. 
On  June  29,  1623,  the  drawing  had  taken  place  in  the 
presence  of  King  Janies,  and  Warwick  had  drawn  as 
his  share  the  region  round  Massachusetts  Bay.^  It  was 
this  tract  that  Warwick  granted  by  patent  to  John 
Humphry,  John  Endecott,  and  their  associates  on 
March  19,  1628.®  Endecott  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  to 
New  England  in  June  and  the  colonisation  of  Massa- 
chusetts began,  almost  unnoticed  amidst  the  national 
troubles. 

The  great  Commons’  debate  on  grievances  that  ended 
on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  1628,  in  the  presentation 
to  the  king  of  the  Petition  of  Right,  was  marked  by  a 
crystallisation  of  the  Puritan  party  in  parliament  into 
a form  that  had  great  influence  upon  the  after  course  of 
events.  It  was  the  extreme  Puritans  who  were  respon- 
sible for  the  final  mould  in  which  the  Petition  was  cast, 
and  it  is  most  noticeable  that  the  men  forming  the  inner 
ring  of  the  party  were  closely  united  one  with  another 
by  ties  of  relationship  and  sincere  friendship.  Warwick, 
Saye,  and  Lincoln  were  the  exponents  of  the  popular 
policy  in  the  Lords;  Sir  John  Eliot,  the  leader  of  the 
Commons,  was  united  to  Warwick  by  close  bonds,^  while 
Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  John  Pym,  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyerd, 
and  Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard  were  all,  as  we  shall  show  later, 

1 ‘ ‘ Eecords  of  Council  for  New  England,  ’ ’ Proceedings  of  Amer.  Antiq. 
Soc.  for  1875,  p.  49. 

2 See  the  map  in  Alexander’s  Encouragement  to  Colonies,  1624. 

3 C.  S.  P.  Col.,  19  March,  1628.  See  also  Massachusetts  Colonial  Records, 
29  Sept.,  1629. 

4 Forster’s  Life  of  Eliot,  II,  64,  72,  642.  See  also  Bagg’s  letters  to  the 
Privy  Council,  e.g.  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  20  April,  1620. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


43 


intimately  linked  together  and  all  took  important  parts 
in  the  struggle.  For  more  than  a week  after  the  presen- 
tation of  the  Petition,  the  issue  hung  in  the  balance,  but 
at  last  on  the  seventh  of  June  the  king  yielded  and  the 
Petition  of  Right  became  the  law  of  the  land.  To  the 
lighter  hearted  it  seemed  as  though  the  threatened 
liberties  of  England  were  safe,  but  the  leaders  realised 
that  there  was  still  much  to  be  done,  and,  without  an 
instant’s  delay,  they  proceeded  to  attack  the  king’s 
Arminian  religious  policy,  the  illegal  levying  of  tonnage 
and  poundage,  and,  worst  of  all,  the  ministerial  acts  of 
Buckingham.  So  vehement  were  the  remonstrances 
addressed  to  him  that,  in  anger  and  disgust  at  what  he 
thought  their  base  ingratitude,  Charles  prorogued  the 
parliament  on  the  26th  with  a speech  of  cutting  severity. 
The  hopes  of  early  June  were  dashed  and  once  more 
^gloom  settled  down  on  Puritan  hearts,  saddened  and 
revolted  as  they  were  by  the  king’s  ostentatious  bestowal 
^of  preferment  upon  the  Arminian  prelates.  For  a 
moment  the  gloom  was  lightened  by  a somewhat  untimely 
rejoicing  at  Felton’s  murder  of  the  favourite,  but  the 
news  from  Germany  was  not  encouraging,  as  Wallenstein 
drove  Christian  of  Denmark,  the  champion  of  Protes- 
tantism, to  his  island  fastnesses  in  utter  rout.  Rochelle 
at  last  lay  prone,  her  walls  dismantled,  her  merchants 
beggared,  and  her  treasured  Huguenot  liberties  gone 
at  the  bidding  of  the  ruthless  cardinal.  Everywhere 
absolutism  and  Catholicism  seemed  triumphant  and 
many  an  earnest.  God-fearing  man  trembled  as  he  feared 
that  ere  long  the  queen  and  Laud  would  bring  Protestant 
England  once  more  under  the  power  of  the  Roman  see. 

The  publication  in  December  of  the  “Declaration 
touching  Public  Worship,”  was  regarded  by  the  Puritans 
as  granting  license  to  the  Arminians  for  far-reaching 
innovations  in  religion,  while  the  feelings  of  the  mer- 


44 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


chants  were  outraged  by  the  government’s  high-handed 
proceedings  in  the  conflict  over  Chambers’s  obstinate 
refusals  to  pay  the  illegal  tonnage  and  poundage.  Once 
more,  with  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  the  public  gaze 
was  fixed  upon  the  doors  that  guarded  the  central  scene 
in  the  great  struggle.  Parliament  met  again  on  January 
20,  1629,  and  the  Commons  under  Eliot’s  leadership  at 
once  vehemently  assailed  the  “Declaration,”  and  put 
forward  in  a series  of  resolutions  against  popery  and 
Arminianism  their  own  conception  of  the  type  of  uni- 
formity to  be  demanded  for  the  church.  For  more  than 
a month  the  debates  raged  round  the  resolutions  and  the 
religious  grievances  they  were  meant  to  remedy,  while 
Charles  endeavoured  in  vain  to  divert  attention  to  the 
less  thorny  question  of  finance.  Eliot,  with  even  more 
intemperate  words,  refused  to  be  turned  from  his  chosen 
path  and  though  many  lesser  members  would  have 
debated  the  threatening  action  of  the  courts  against 
their  ovm  treasured  freedom  from  arrest,  he  persisted 
in  recalling  their  attention  to  the  larger  question  of  the 
national  liberties,  until  at  length  the  king’s  slender 
patience  was  at  end.  Never  had  a more  moving  scene 
been  witnessed  in  the  Commons’  House  than  on  that 
second  of  March,  1629,  when  Speaker  Finch  announced 
His  Majesty’s  pleasure  that  the  House  should  then 
adjourn.  On  all  sides  rose  angry  murmurs  against  the 
order;  in  fiat  defiance  of  it  the  doors  were  locked  and, 
though  Finch  did  his  courtly  best  to  obey  his  royal 
master’s  commands,  the  leaders  were  resolved  on  vio- 
lence rather  than  be  baulked  of  their  will.  While  the 
trembling  speaker  was  held  in  his  chair,  and  the  weaker 
members  cowered  weeping  in  their  seats,  it  was  resolved 
that  whoever  should  bring  in  innovations  in  religion, 
should  introduce  popery  or  Arminianism,  or  should  pay 
tonnage  or  poundage,  should  be  reputed  a traitor  and  a 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


45 


capital  enemy  to  the  commonwealth.  The  doors  were 
opened,  the  speaker  released,  and  to  all  men  it  seemed 
as  though  the  established  parliamentary  privileges  of 
England  were  at  an  end ; Eliot,  Selden,  and  other  leaders 
were  committed  to  the  Tower, 

“The  increasing  of  our  sins  gives  us  great  cause  to 
look  for  some  heavy  scourge  and  judgment  to  be  coming 
upon  us,”  wrote  John  Winthrop  a few  days  later.®  “My 
dear  wife,  I am  verily  persuaded  God  will  bring  some 
heavy  affliction  upon  this  land,  and  that  speedily;  but 
if  the  Lord  seeth  it  will  be  good  for  us,  he  will  provide 
a shelter  and  a hiding-place  for  us  and  others,  as  a Zoar 
for  Lot,  a Sarephthah  for  his  prophet.”  What  wonder 
that  at  such  a time  White’s  message  of  hope  should  find 
an  echo  in  Puritan  hearts,  and  that  God’s  people  “should 
turn  with  eyes  of  longing  to  the  free  and  open  spaces  of 
the  New  World,  whither  they  might  flee  to  be  at  peace. 

The  summer  of  1629  was  filled  with  events  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  colonial  history.  Though  only  the 
leaders  had  been  imprisoned  for  their  share  in  the 
Commons’  scene,  every  member  of  the  Puritan  party, 
both  great  and  small,  was  made  to  feel  the  displeasure 
of  the  government.  It  was  impossible  to  deprive  Sir 
Benjamin  Rudyerd  of  the  lucrative  office  of  surveyor  of 
the  Court  of  Wards,  which  had  been  granted  him  for 
life  in  his  courtier  days,  but  lesser  Puritans  might  be 
attacked  more  easily.  John  Humphry  had  long  been 
an  attorney  of  the  Court  of  Wards  and  a noticeable 
Puritan  and  now  both  he  and  his  colleague,  John  Win- 
throp, the  Puritan  squire  of  Groton  in  Suffolk,  were 
deprived  of  their  offices.®  This  apparently  unimportant 
removal  was  in  truth  of  tremendous  import,  for  in 
Winthrop  at  last  was  found  the  man  who  was  needed 

5 London,  15  May,  1629,  Life  and  Letters  of  Winthrop,  I,  296. 

6 June,  1629,  Life  of  Winthrop,  I,  298. 


46 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


to  convert  the  aspirations  of  the  Puritans  into  realities. 
Winthrop,  a man  already  of  middle  age,  had  been 
afflicted  during  the  past  year  (1628)  with  a succession 
of  bereavements  that  had  disillusioned  him  with  life  in 
England  and  had  turned  his  thoughts  to  the  proposals 
for  migration  that  were  occupying  the  minds  of  his 
friends.  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  had  received 
the  sanction  of  a royal  charter  in  March,  1629,  and  in 
July^  Winthrop  and  his  brother-in-law,  Emmanuel 
Downing,  rode  down  to  Sempringham,  the  Kesteven  seat 
of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  to  talk  over  their  plans  of  joining 
the  company. 

Theophilus  Fiennes-Clinton,  fourth  Earl  of  Lincoln, 
who  was  descended  from  a distant  branch  of  the  great 
Fiennes  family  that  held  the  ancient  peerage  of  Saye 
and  Sele,  was  the  most  earnest  Puritan  among  the  peers, 
and  his  seat  at  Sempringham  was  the  central  point  where 
were  discussed  the  projects  for  a Puritan  migration. 
Lincoln  was  married  to  Bridget  Fiennes,  daughter  of 
Viscount  Saye,  and  his  sister.  Lady  Susan  Fiennes- 
Clinton,  was  the  wife  of  John  Humphry,  who  had  long 
been  interested  in  White’s  colonising  projects.  Hum- 
phry had  succeeded  in  imparting  this  interest  to 
Lincoln  and  to  Isaac  Johnson,  who  was  married  to 
another  of  Lincoln’s  sisters.  Winthrop  found  the  whole 
society  assembled  at  Sempringham  and,  though  we  have 
no  account  of  the  discussions  that  ensued,  it  is  certain 
that  the  affairs  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  must 
have  been  talked  over.  Among  Lincoln ’s  dependents  was 
his  distant  kinsman,  Thomas  Dudley,  a man  of  an 
earnest  and  almost  fanatical  Puritan  temper.  Together 
he,  John  Humphry,  Isaac  Johnson,  and  Winthrop  came 
to  the  momentous  decision  to  cast  off  the  dust  of  Eng- 

T July,  1629,  Life  of  Winthrop,  I,  304. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


47 


land  from  their  feet  and  throw  in  their  lot  with  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company.  In  this  same  critical 
week  Matthew  Cradock,  the  governor,  had  suggested  to 
the  members  of  the  company  the  entire  transfer  of  the 
government  to  America,  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
August®  it  was  resolved  in  a full  meeting  at  Cambridge, 
that  this  step  should  be  taken.  Twelve  members  of  the 
company,  including  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  John 
Humphry,  and  Winthrop,  announced  their  intention  of 
leaving  England  to  settle  on  American  shores,  and  all 
of  them  took  immediate  steps  in  preparation  for  their 
voyage.  From  this  point  onwards  Winthrop  began  to 
take  the  lead  in  the  company’s  affairs,  a lead  at  once 
marked  by  a decision  and  a statesmanlike  foresight  in 
marked  contrast  to  the  timorous  conservatism  of 
Matthew  Cradock. 

The  importance  of  all  these  happenings  from  the  point 
of  view  of  our  immediate  subject  is  that  every  step 
taken  by  the  Massachusetts  emigrants  was  taken  in 
concert  with  and  often  upon  the  advice  of  those  veteran 
colonisers,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich. 
It  is  hardly  likely  that  the  idea  of  migration  to  America 
can  have  been  thoroughly  shaped  as  early  as  April,  1629, 
when  Bell’s  letter®  reached  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  but  the 
idea  was  gradually  taking  shape  and  it  must  have  been 
within  the  critical  months  of  June  and  July  that  that 
decision  was  reached.  Two  courses  lay  open  to  the 
emigrants.  On  the  one  hand,  they  might  sail  towards 
what  were  then  regarded  as  the  bleak  and  inhospitable 
shores  of  North  Virginia,  where  so  many  attempts  at 
colonisation  had  been  made  to  end  only  in  disaster,  and 
where  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  were  even  then  strug- 
gling with  small  success  against  the  hardships  of  their 

® Life  of  Winthrop,  1,  344. 

9 F.  supra,  pp.  31-34. 


48 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


lot.  On  the  other  hand,  they  might  guide  their  course 
toward  the  fertile  islands  of  the  Caribbean  that  were 
described  so  glowingly  by  Capt.  Bell. 

Warwick  had  every  reason  to  counsel  the  colonists 
towards  the  latter  course,  and,  though  he  was  willing  to 
aid  them  whatever  their  choice  should  be,  we  cannot 
doubt  that  it  was  southward  he  wished  them  to  sail. 
His  ventures  of  late  years  had  met  with  little  success  and 
there  was  here  the  prospect  of  retrieving  loss  and  at  the 
same  time  of  providing  another  home  for  his  discon- 
tented proteges  in  Bermuda.  The  colonisation  of  St. 
Christopher  and  Barbadoes  under  the  protection  of 
Lords  Carlisle  and  Marlborough,  both  members  of  the 
court  party  and  both  personally  hostile  to  the  Riches,^® 
can  have  been  no  more  acceptable  to  Warwick  and  his 
friends  than  was  the  success  of  Sir  William  Courteen, 
Thomas  Warner,  and  Ralph  Merrifield,  to  his  merchant 
associates.  The  knowledge  that  fertile  islands  were 
awaiting  settlement  in  the  heart  of  the  West  Indies,  and 
that  they  could  be  fortified  with  ease,  must  have  been 
welcome  news  to  so  strong  a hater  of  Spain  as  was  War- 
wick. Here  at  last  appeared  a chance  of  redeeming  the 
failure  of  his  naval  enterprise  of  1627  and  the  general  ill 
success  of  the  Spanish  war,  here  was  a chance  of  carry- 
ing on  the  glorious  traditions  of  the  Elizabethan  age  and 
of  putting  once  and  for  all  that  bit  in  the  ancient  enemy’s 
mouth,  that  had  so  long  been  the  dream  of  all  patriotic 
Englishmen.  It  is  easy  for  us  to  commend  Winthrop’s 

10  A personal  coolness  had  existed  between  the  Eich  family  and  James 
Hay,  Earl  of  Carlisle,  since  his  quarrel  with  Lord  Holland  while  they  were 
fellow  envoys  in  Paris  in  1624.  Only  with  difficulty  had  a duel  then  been 
prevented.  The  statement  of  Clarendon  that  Holland  and  Carlisle  were  good 
friends  is  no  contradiction  of  our  view,  as  it  applies  to  a later  period  and 
the  friendship  can,  at  best,  have  been  only  superficial.  The  rivalry  between 
Warwick  and  the  Carlisle  interests  was  an  important  factor  in  West  Indian 
affairs  as  late,  at  any  rate,  as  1648. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


49 


neglect  of  advice  and  to  deride  those  who  gave  it  and 
for  ten  years  contended  that  his  choice  had  been  wrongly 
made,  but  in  1629  the  colonial  empires  of  every  power, 
save  Spain,  were  still  to  make,  and  all  experience  pointed 
to  the  shores  of  a summer  sea  as  those  whereon  colon- 
ising success  could  alone  be  obtained. 

The  Stuart  age  witnessed  many  departures  from  the 
ancient  ways,  but  the  one  that  marks  more  definitely, 
perhaps,  than  any  other,  the  period  as  modern,  has  not 
always  received  the  attention  it  deserves.  For  the  first 
time  we  find  men  of  the  middle  class,  who  were  neither 
great  lawyers  nor  churchmen  and  who  had  had  no  train- 
ing in  the  narrow  circle  of  officialdom,  printing  deep  the 
impress  of  their  personality  upon  the  national  destinies. 
Just  as  Pym  and  Cromwell  were  sprung  from  that  upper 
middle  class  that  has  done  such  great  things  for  the 
world,  so  in  the  birth  throes  of  the  Massachusetts 
commonwealth  the  critical  decision  was  made,  and  made 
aright,  by  the  obscure  Suffolk  squire,  while  the  great 
noble,  skilled  and  cautious  though  he  was,  was  hopelessly 
wrong.  The  Massachusetts  migration  was  an  event 
entirely  without  precedent  in  the  modern  world;  Vir- 
ginia, Newfoundland,  and  Guiana  had  attracted  merely 
the  adventurers  and  the  needy;  the  Mayflower  pilgrims, 
though  later  ages  have  glorified  them,  were  too  few  in 
number,  too  humble  in  station,  and  too  far  removed  from 
the  main  currents  of  English  life  to  be  of  importance; 
but  now  sober,  well-to-do  men  of  middle  age,  to  whom 
the  spirit  of  adventure  was  entirely  foreign,  were  con- 
templating a transfer  of  themselves,  their  families,  and 
their  goods  to  new  homes  across  the  seas,  there  to  found 
not  a colony  but  a commonwealth.  At  such  a crisis  the 
caution,  the  experience,  and  the  knowledge  of  past 
failures  of  the  man  of  affairs  stand  ranged  against  the 
fervour,  the  enthusiasm,  and  the  hope  in  the  future  of 


50 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  new  man;  Warwick  and  Rich  well  knew  the  diffi- 
culties to  be  contended  with  and  preferred  to  move  along 
the  well-marked  lines  of  policy;  Winthrop  and  White, 
guided  as  they  felt  by  a Higher  Power,  were  resolved 
upon  a course  that  was  new.  The  men  of  the  future  had 
their  way  and  the  great  human  stream  was  directed  to 
the  New  England  shore. 

Though  we  are  unable  to  examine  in  detail  the  discus- 
sions that  went  on  between  Warwick  and  his  associates 
concerning  the  designs  suggested  in  Bell’s  letter,  we  find 
that  by  September,  1629,  they  were  complete,  and  that 
it  had  been  resolved  to  put  the  project  into  immediate 
execution."  The  total  cost  of  the  equipment  of  this 
pioneer  expedition  was  about  two  thousand  pounds  and 
this  had  been  provided  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  (£275),  Gabriel  Barber  (£250),  John 
Dyke,  and  Gregory  Gawsell.  An  account  of  these  men 
will  be  given  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the  membership 
of  the  company  as  a whole.  The  arrangements  for  the 
voyage  were  entrusted  to  Dyke,  who  engaged  artificers 
and  mariners,  purchased  provisions  and  tools,  and  se- 
cured from  the  Admiralty  letters  of  marque  for  two  ships. 
A pinnace  of  eighty  tons  burthen  was  entrusted  to  the 
command  of  Daniel  Elfrith  and  the  bark  Warwick  to  that 
of  John  Tanner.  Daniel  Elfrith"  had  been  engaged  for 
many  years  in  the  contraband  West  Indian  trade ; he  first 
appears  as  an  officer  serving  under  Capt.  Fisher  on  a 
voyage  of  discovery  to  Guiana  in  1614.  He  was  put  as 
master  into  a captured  Spanish  caravel  with  a cargo  of 

Our  main  authority  from  this  point  onwards  is  the  Providence  records. 
Though  Sainsbury’s  calendar  of  them  is  very  full  in  places,  he  makes  many 
mistakes  and  entirely  misapprehends  certain  letters.  We  shall  refer  here 
only  to  the  records  themselves. 

12  For  the  early  career  of  Elfrith  see  Brown,  II,  885.  Brown’s  account 
of  his  later  life  is  misleading  owing  to  the  confusion  of  Old  and  New 
Providence. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


51 


meal  and  brought  her  to  Bermuda  in  1615  just  in  time 
to  save  the  colony  from  famine,  but  her  coming  was  by 
no  means  an  unmixed  blessing,  for  she  brought  into  the 
islands  a plague  of  rats  that  took  years  to  eradicated® 
Elfrith  was  accused  of  securing  the  vessel  in  the  West 
Indies  by  dishonest  means  and,  though  he  stoutly  main- 
tained his  innocence,  he  was  sent  home  to  England  a 
prisoner/^  He  soon  vindicated  himself  and  in  1618  he 
again  arrived  in  Bermuda  as  master  of  the  ship  Treas- 
urer on  his  way  to  the  West  Indies.  Tucker,  the  governor 
of  the  colony,  who  was  on  the  point  of  departure  for 
England,  suspected  that  Elfrith  was  bound  roving  and 
warned  the  colonists  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  him. 
No  heed  was  paid  to  this  warning  and  Elfrith  was 
received  with  every  kindness.^®  He  reached  Virginia  on 
his  return  voyage  in  the  late  summer  of  1619  in  consort 
with  a Flushing  privateer  and  with  a hundred  negroes 
he  is  said  to  have  captured  from  a Spanish  vessel ; some 
of  these  he  disposed  of  to  the  planters  and  they  were  the 
first  of  Virginia’s  negro  servants;  the  rest  he  carried  on 
to  Bermuda,  where  his  ship,  the  Treasurer,  was  broken 
up  as  unserviceable  by  command  of  the  governor,  Capt. 
Nathaniel  Butler.  We  have  seen  in  a previous  chapter 
how  much  commotion  this  voyage  caused  in  England. 
Elfrith  seems  now  to  have  settled  in  Bermuda  on  the 
Earl  of  Warwick’s  land,  which  he  worked  with  the  aid 
of  the  earl’s  negroes.  From  1623  onwards  he  was  a 
member  of  the  council,’®  but  he  did  not  agree  well  with  the 
governor,  Henry  Woodhouse.  He  appears  to  have  main- 
tained that  the  governor  was  lining  his  own  pockets  with 

13  Smith’s  Virginia,  p.  125. 

1*  V.  supra,  p.  21. 

15  Smith,  p.  666. 

i«  Sir  J.  H.  Lefroy’s  Memorials  of  the  Bermudas  is  our  authority  for  this 
period. 


52 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


public  funds  and  in  September,  1625,  he  was  arraigned 
before  the  council  on  a charge  of  sedition,  which  was 
the  graver  as  he  had  been  suspected  of  complicity  in  a 
plot  against  Gov.  Butler  in  1622.  He  was  compelled  to 
make  abject  submission,  but  on  the  removal  of  "VYood- 
house  from  the  governorship  in  1626,  this  submission 
was  removed  from  the  records.  During  1626  and  1627 
he  was  acting  on  the  council,  was  an  officer  of  the  prin- 
cipal fort  or  King’s  Castle,  and  was  looking  after  the 
boats  belonging  to  the  colony.  He  returned  to  England 
late  in  1627. 

In  February,  1628,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his  asso- 
ciates, in  virtue  of  his  commission  of  April,  1627,  des- 
patched three  ships  on  a privateering  voyage  to  the 
West  Indies,  making  Bermuda  their  rendezvous.  These 
vessels  were  the  Earl  of  Warwick  of  eighty  tons,  master, 
Sussex  Camoek,  the  Somers  Islands  of  about  one  hundred 
tons,  master,  John  Rose,  and  the  Robert  of  fifty  tons, 
master,  Daniel  Elfrith.”  The  voyage  was  not  very  suc- 
cessful and  Camoek  with  some  thirty  men  was  left 
behind  on  the  island  of  San  Andreas.  Elfrith  took  com- 
mand of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  for  the  voyage  home, 
handing  over  the  command  of  the  Robert  to  John  Tanner. 
They  reached  England  about  the  end  of  April,  1629, 
armed  as  we  have  seen  with  Gov.  Bell’s  commendation 
of  the  projects  Elfrith  had  formed  on  the  voyage. 

The  letters  of  marque  for  the  new  expedition  for  the 
occupation  of  Santa  Catalina  were  issued  on  September 
28,  1629,^®  and  the  ships  set  sail  on  the  second  week  of 
October.  It  had  been  decided  that  it  would  be  best  to 
establish  a colony  firmly  on  Santa  Catalina  before 
undertaking  the  more  doubtful  design  upon  Fonseca; 
Elfrith  therefore  sailed  direct  to  Bermuda  and  after  a 

17  P.  E.  O.  Eegister  Book  of  Letters  of  Marque,  1628. 

18  Ihid.,  1629. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


53 


few  days’  stay,  thence  to  the  Caribbean,  which  was 
entered  by  the  Windward  Passage.  The  ships  called 
first  at  San  Andreas,  where  it  was  found  that  the  greater 
part  of  Camock’s  company  had  left  the  island  in  a Dutch 
ship,  though  a few,  of  whom  George  Needham  was  the 
chief,  had  remained  to  plant  tobacco.  After  a day  or 
two’s  stay  Elfrith  proceeded  on  his  voyage  and  reached 
Santa  Catalina  about  Christmas,  1629.  A start  was  at 
once  made  on  the  preparations  for  the  reception  of  the 
main  body  of  colonists,  who  were  expected  from  Bermuda 
early  in  the  spring  of  1630.  The  harbour  of  Santa  Cata- 
lina lies  to  the  northwest  of  the  island  and  is  approached 
by  two  narrow  entrances  well-guarded  by  rocks;  on  the 
north  it  is  sheltered  by  a peninsula  joined  to  the  main 
island  in  1630  by  a narrow  neck  of  land.^®  The  point  of 
this  peninsula  is  a flat-topped  bluff,  some  forty  feet 
above  sea-level,  and  on  this  bluff  it  was  decided  to  erect 
the  first  fort,  called  in  honour  of  the  expedition’s  patron, 
Warwick  Fort.  The  hills  make  a bold  sweep  round  the 
eastern  and  southern  sides  of  the  harbour,  ascending 
into  three  noticeable  peaks,  now  called  respectively  Split 
Hill  (550  feet).  Fairway  Hill,  and  the  Mound  (700  feet) ; 
the  central  peak  of  the  island  lies  to  the  southward  and 
reaches  a height  of  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty 
feet.  Between  the  hills  and  the  harbour  there  is  a flat 
plain  and  this  was  chosen  as  the  site  of  the  first  settle- 
ment ; houses  were  first  erected  on  the  neck  of  land  close 
to  the  water’s  edge,  the  infant  town  being  called  in 
honour  of  the  company.  New  Westminster.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  expedition  the  island  was  found  to  be 
uninhabited  save  for  a few  Dutchmen,  who  were  received 
as  comrades  and  in  their  turn  aided  the  settlers  in  their 

19  This  neck  of  land  was  not  pierced  by  the  buccaneers  till  about  1670, 
though  Capt.  Eudyerd  had  advised  the  step  as  early  as  1634  in  order  to 
make  the  peninsula  into  a kind  of  citadel. 


54 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


preparations;  under  Elfritli’s  directions  the  planters 
chose  such  plots  of  ground  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
the  harbour  as  they  fancied,  and  at  once  started  clearing 
them  and  planting  tobacco.  No  difficulties  were  en- 
countered in  this  work,  for  the  dry  season  in  the  island 
lasts  from  January  to  May  and  there  is  almost  always 
an  abundance  of  fresh  water  to  be  obtained.  The  work 
of  building  the  fort  was  entrusted  to  the  direction  of 
Samuel  Axe,  a soldier  who  had  seen  service  in  the  Eng- 
lish contingents  in  the  Netherlands  and  had  there  learned 
some  of  the  principles  of  fortification.  The  spot  he  had 
selected  for  the  fort  was  well  chosen,  as  it  commanded 
the  main  entrance  to  the  harbour,  and  timber  for  its 
construction  could  be  obtained  close  at  hand.  Its  dis- 
advantage lay  in  its  distance  from  a supply  of  fresh 
water,  but  as  the  only  attack  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  sea,  this  was  not  much  of  a drawback. 

Elfrith  and  Tanner  set  sail  again  from  Providence 
about  the  end  of  February,  1630,  leaving  Axe  as  deputy 
governor  of  the  island;  a direct  course  was  steered  for 
Bermuda,  where  Bell  during  their  absence  had  been 
making  arrangements  with  his  adherents  for  the  migra- 
tion. He  had  retired  from  the  governorship  in  December 
and  was  succeeded  by  Capt.  Roger  Wood,  the  late  secre- 
tary, but  he  still  retained  his  seat  upon  the  council,  as 
did  Elfrith.  The  new  colony  must  have  been  an  engross- 
ing topic  in  Bermuda  throughout  the  winter,  and  Bell 
was  spoken  hardly  of  for  his  desertion;  these  strictures 
he  was  by  no  means  ready  to  submit  to  and  at  a council 
on  February  9,  1630,  we  find  him  bringing  forward  what 
he  called  the  scandalous  statements  of  a Mr.  Ewer,  who 
was  compelled  to  apologize  humbly  for  them.  According 
to  the  bad  precedent  set  in  the  case  of  previous  govern- 
ors, attempts  were  made  to  bring  Bell  to  book  for  acts 
done  during  his  governorship.  He  pleaded  the  prece- 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


55 


dent  of  immunity  that  had  been  established  when  he 
succeeded  Woodhouse  in  1626,  this  having  been  sanc- 
tioned by  an  order  of  the  Somers  Islands  Company 
bearing  date  of  November  28,  1627.  The  majority  of 
the  council  maintained  that  this  precedent  did  not  apply 
as  Woodhouse  in  1627  had  left  the  islands  for  England, 
whereas  Bell  was  going  to  Santa  Catalina  and  would  be 
out  of  the  company’s  jurisdiction;  he  was  therefore  com- 
pelled to  give  security  to  answer  all  such  things  as  should 
be  brought  against  him  either  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Somers  Islands  or  by  the  company  in  England.  Elfrith 
also  was  compelled  to  give  account  to  his  successor,  Capt. 
Saile,  of  the  things  that  had  been  under  his  charge  in 
the  King’s  Castle  and  was  closely  examined  concerning 
the  disposal  of  a cargo  of  tobacco  jointly  owned  by  sev- 
eral planters,  that  he  had  taken  with  him  on  his  last 
voyage  to  England. 

It  had  been  decided  that  only  men  should  be  taken  to 
Santa  Catalina  in  the  first  instance  and  some  difficulties 
were  placed  in  the  way  of  those  who  wished  to  leave 
their  dependents  behind  in  Bermuda.  “Miles  Port  being 
desirous  to  go  to  St.  Catulina,  it  was  thought  fit  to  be 
considered  whether  or  no  he  should  go  without  his  wife 
and  being  put  to  question  at  the  Council  table,  the  Gov- 
ernor and  all  the  Council  did  consider,  (excepting  Capt. 
Bell  and  Capt.  Elfrith)  that  he  should  not  go  without 
her.”  Miles  Port  had  therefore  to  abandon  the  voyage. 
The  men  accompanying  the  expedition  mainly  belonged 
to  the  planting  class  with  only  a few  servants;  they 
arranged  with  the  planters  remaining  in  Bermuda  to 
send  over  a further  supply  of  servants  later.  It  is 
impossible  to  say  whether  Bell  married  Elfrith ’s  daugh- 
ter before  his  departure  from  Bermuda  or  after,  but 
he  is  spoken  of  as  Elfrith ’s  son-in-law  in  letters  from 
England  in  February,  1631,  so  that  the  marriage  must 


56 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


have  taken  place  before  August,  1630.  Bell  and  Elfrith 
took  their  seats  at  the  Bermuda  council  table  for  the 
last  time  on  April  13,  1630,  and  sailed  for  Santa  Cata- 
lina before  the  next  council  meeting  in  May.  A few  days 
after  their  departure  there  arrived  fresh  supplies  of 
provisions,  etc.,  for  the  new  colony,  which  Elfrith  had 
arranged  before  leaving  England;  these  were  too  late 
and  had  to  be  left  in  the  Somers  Islands  till  the  following 
year. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  oversea,  the 
organisers  of  the  enterprise  in  England  had  not  been 
idle.  Rumours  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  engaged 
in  some  new  venture  in  the  West  Indies  had  begun  to 
spread  abroad  and  the  diarist,  John  Rous,  records  under 
date  August  24,  1629,  “News  of  an  island,  20  miles  long 
and  10  broad,  discovered  by  a captain  sent  out  by  the  Earl 
of  Warwick.”^®  On  16  February,  1630,  he  notes,  “The 
ships  be  set  to  sea  for  New  England  and  for  a plantation 
near  Mexico,  ut  dicitur.”-^  Although  the  news  that  some- 
thing was  afoot  had  thus  to  some  extent  leaked  out, 
nothing  definite  was  known  outside  Warwick’s  imme- 
diate circle,  for  it  had  been  determined  to  fall  in  with 
Bell’s  suggestion  and  to  keep  the  new  enterprise  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  Earl  and  his  usual  financial  associates 
together  with  a few  members  of  the  inner  circle  of  the 
Puritan  party.  Subscriptions  were  invited  privately 
during  the  summer  of  1630  and  by  the  early  autumn  the 
company  was  practically  complete.  It  was  impossible 
to  hold  any  meetings  of  the  adventurers  as  a whole  until 

20  Camden  Soc.,  Diary  of  John  Rous,  p.  43.  Rous  was  rector  of  Stanton 
Downham  in  Suffolk  and  was  in  a position  to  learn  the  gossip  of  the  Earl 
of  Warwick’s  tenantry  as  we  may  find  from  the  entry  of  13  October,  1629. 
“The  news  was  brought  to  Lees  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick’s  coachman,  who 
returned  from  the  Earl  at  London  that  day,  that  the  Earl  was  like  to  have 
a great  prize  of  6 ships  of  the  sUver  fleet.  ’ ’ 

21  This  was  the  second  supply,  sent  to  Bermuda  and  missed  by  Elfrith. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


57 


November,  for  London  and  the  country  generally  were 
suffering  from  one  of  those  periodical  visitations  of  the 
plague^^  that  were  so  frequent  down  to  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  The  plague  had  been  raging  in 
the  north  of  France  and  in  Holland  throughout  the 
summer  of  1629^®  and  many  precautions  were  taken  to 
preserve  England  from  infection  but  in  vain.  The  first 
cases  in  London  were  reported  early  in  ApriP^  and  before 
the  end  of  the  month  the  capital  was  so  infected  that  all 
those  able  to  do  so  were  taking  steps  to  leave  it  for  the 
country.®®  Pym,  for  instance,  had  been  intending  to  take 
Barrington  Hall  for  the  summer,  but  Sir  Thomas  Bar- 
rington wrote  to  his  mother  in  May,  “My  wife,  out  of 
her  provident  care  of  yourself  and  us,  thinks  that  fear 
of  the  sickness  dispersing  is  cause  enough  to  keep  that 
house  free  for  a refuge.”®®  So  much  had  the  ravages 
of  the  plague  dislocated  affairs  that  the  christening 
of  the  infant  Prince  Charles  in  June  was  announced 
throughout  the  country  by  proclamation  instead  of  by 
heralds,  as  was  the  custom  in  such  cases,®^  while  the 
festivities  themselves  were  hastened  through  as  much  as 
possible.  In  August  Saint  Bartholomew  Fair  and  South- 
wark Fair  were  prohibited  by  proclamation  for  fear  of 
infection,  while  London  was  practically  deserted  by  peo- 
ple of  rank,  and  business  was  at  a standstill.  By  the 
end  of  October,  however,  the  worst  was  over  in  London, 
and  November  saw  the  usual  current  of  life  resumed, 
though  in  many  counties,  where  infection  still  existed 

22  For  this  visitation  of  the  plague  and  its  destructive  effects  at  Cam- 
bridge, V.  Masson ’s  Milton,  II. 

23  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  16  Oct.,  1629. 

2iIUd.,  10  April,  1630. 

25  Ibid. 

28  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Seventh  Beport,  App  ’x.  Sir  T.  B.  to  Lady  Joan  B. 
May,  1630. 

27  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  15  June,  1630. 


58 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


as  late  as  Christmas,  the  usual  autumn  musters  were 
abandoned. 

As  soon  as  it  was  possible  to  assemble  in  London  mth 
any  reasonable  safety,  Warwick  took  steps  to  gather  bis 
friends  together  and  the  first  meeting  of  adventurers  in 
the  new  company  took  place  at  Brooke  House  in  Hol- 
born^*  on  the  19tb  of  November;  definite  and  immediate 
action  was  decided  upon  and  on  the  4tb  of  December 
the  patent  was  sealed  granting  formal  incorporation  to 
the  company  by  the  style  of  “The  Governor  and  Com- 
pany of  Adventurers  of  the  City  of  Westminster  for  the 
plantation  of  the  Islands  of  Providence,  Henrietta,  and 
the  adjacent  islands  hung  upon  the  coast  of  America.” 

The  propositions  for  the  formation  of  the  company 
that  bad  been  circulated  during  the  summer  of  1630,^® 
bad  mentioned  £200  as  the  amount  of  the  first  adventure 
and  some  portion  of  this  bad  been  paid  in  before  Novem- 
ber by  most  of  the  adventurers.  The  amount  necessary 
to  complete  this  adventure  money  of  £200  in  each  case 
is  given  against  the  name  of  each  adventurer  on  the 
first  page  of  the  company’s  journal  and  we  are  thus 
provided  with  a complete  list  of  the  original  members: 


28  Brooke  House,  the  usual  meeting  place  of  the  company,  lay  in  what  was 
then  a fashionable  quarter,  at  the  corner  of  Gray’s  Inn  Lane  and  Holborn 
and  immediately  opposite  the  stUl-existing  Staple’s  Inn;  Brooke  Street  and 
Greville  Street  were  built  upon  its  site  before  the  beginning  of  the  eight- 
eenth century.  The  locality  is  curiously  identified  by  an  entry  in  C.  S.  P. 
Dom.,  1633,  p.  164.  A spy  who  had  been  set  to  watch  Lords  Saye  and 
Brooke,  suspected  of  too  great  familiarity  with  the  Dutch  ambassador,  sat 
in  the  gateway  of  Staple’s  Inn  for  some  time  to  watch  the  ambassador 
come  out  from  Brooke  House.  Other  meeting  places  of  the  company  were 
Warwick  House,  a little  further  west  along  Holborn,  and  Sir  Gilbert  Ger- 
rard ’s  or  Mr.  Pym ’s  lodgings,  both  of  which  were  then  in  Gray ’s  Inn  Lane. 
Jessop,  the  secretary,  was  a member  of  and  had  chambers  in  Gray’s  Inn 
itself. 

29  None  of  these  letters  have  been  discovered,  but  it  has  been  possible  to 
arrive  at  their  import  from  references  in  the  records. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


59 


19  November,  1630  already  paid 

£ 

TO  BE  PAID 
£ 

Earl  of  Warwick 

100 

100 

Earl  of  Holland 

— 

200 

Lord  Saye  and  Sele  .... 

100 

100 

Lord  Brooke 

— 

200 

Jno.  Robartes,  Esq 

— 

200 

Sir  Benjamin  Rudyerd,  Knt. 

125 

75 

Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard,  Bart.  . 

100 

100 

Sir  Edward  Harwood,  Knt.  . 

100 

100 

Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Knt. 

125 

75 

Sir  Edmond  Moundeford,  Knt.  . 

100 

100 

Jno.  Pym,  Esq 

125 

75 

Richard  Knightley,  Esq.  . 

125 

75 

Jno.  Gurdon,  Esq 

100 

100 

Gregory  Gawsell 

125 

75 

Jno.  Dyke,  merchant  .... 

125 

75 

Jno.  Graunt 

125 

75 

Mr.  St.  John’s  of  Lincoln’s  Inn 

— 

200 

Chr.  Sherland,  Esq 

— 

200 

Gabriel  Barber 

100 

100 

Original  venture 
New  total  venture  . 

£1575 

£2225 

£3800 

Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  Bart.,  was  admitted  an  adven- 
turer on  January  21,  1631,  and  paid  in  £200.  This  com- 
pleted the  full  number  of  twenty  whole  shares.  The 
adventurers  present  at  the  first  meeting^®  before  the 
patent  was  sealed  and  the  company  formally  incorpo- 
rated, decided  to  increase  the  first  adventure  from  £200 
to  £500,  of  which  £200  was  to  be  made  up  at  once,  £100 
paid  at  Michaelmas,  1631,  and  the  remaining  £200  as 
and  when  required.  The  officers  for  the  first  year  were 
provisionally  elected,  the  Earl  of  Holland  being  chosen 

30  Saye,  Brooke,  Eudyerd,  Gerrard,  N.  Eich,  Moundeford,  Pym,  Gurdon, 
Gawsell,  Dyke,  Graunt. 


60 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


governor,  John  Dyke,  deputy  governor,  John  Pym, 
treasurer,  and  William  Jessop,  secretary. 

In  examining  the  list  of  adventurers  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  they  fall  into  four  classes  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  inducement  that  led  them  to  take  shares  in  the 
company.  With  one  exception.  Dyke,  all  of  the  members 
were  strong  Puritans  and  though  some  members  have 
been  classed  as  induced  to  join  the  company  by  their 
Puritanism,  this  is  not  to  preclude  the  others  from  being 
swayed  by  the  same  motive.  The  first  group  of  mem- 
bers includes  those  who  were  intimately  connected  with 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his  schemes;  to  this  class  may 
be  said  to  have  belonged  his  brother,  the  Earl  of  Hol- 
land, Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  John  Dyke,  Gabriel  Barber, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Barrington.  The  second  group  includes 
members  of  the  inner  ring  of  the  Puritan  party  and  all, 
save  Harwood,  members  of  the  parliament  of  1628-1629. 
The  adventurers  belonging  to  this  group  were  Viscount 
Saye  and  Sele,  Robert,  Lord  Brooke,  Sir  Benjamin  Rud- 
yerd.  Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard,  Sir  Edward  Harwood,  Richard 
Knightley,  Christopher  Sherland,  and,  most  important 
of  all,  John  Pym.  Then  come  three  members  induced  to 
join  by  Pym’s  personal  influence,  John  Robartes,  John 
Graunt,  and  Oliver  St.  John;  and  finally  there  is  a little 
group  of  East  Anglian  squires,  Gregory  Gawsell,  John 
Gurdon,  and  Sir  Edmond  Moundeford. 

A full  account  of  the  members  of  the  company  would, 
as  may  be  seen  from  the  above  list,  involve  a biographical 
study  of  nearly  all  the  Puritan  leaders  and  our  attention 
must  therefore  be  confined  in  the  main  to  their  connec- 
tion one  with  another  and  to  their  interest  in  colonial 
affairs  down  to  1630.  Sidelights  will  be  thrown  on  the 
characters  of  some  of  them  in  the  course  of  our  pages, 
but  it  may  here  be  remarked  how  intimately  the  members 
of  the  company,  and,  what  is  almost  the  same  thing,  the 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


61 


leaders  of  the  Puritan  party,  were  allied  one  with 
another,  with  the  principal  emigrants  to  New  England, 
and  also  in  some  degree  with  the  emigrants  to  Provi- 
dence itself.  This  intimacy  was  of  great  moment  in  the 
events  of  the  time  and  provided  the  link  between  the 
Puritan  leaders  that  was  needful  to  enable  them  to  build 
up  slowly  during  the  silence  of  parliament  an  organised 
and  powerful  party  of  resistance  to  the  arbitrary  policy 
of  the  crown. 

With  the  Earl  of  Holland,  the  nominal  governor  of  the 
company,  we  need  concern  ourselves  very  little.  His 
career  is  well  known  in  the  history  of  the  period  and  his 
connection  with  the  company  was  of  the  slightest.  In 
none  of  his  public  employments  had  Holland  displayed 
ability,  but  his  courtly  graces  placed  him  very  high  in 
the  favour  of  both  Charles  and  his  queen,  and,  at  a time 
when  court  favour  was  the  surest  road  to  the  obtaining 
of  privileges,  it  was  important  to  have  so  acceptable  an 
advocate  as  Holland  to  plead  one’s  cause.  He  never 
seems  to  have  taken  any  interest  in  colonial  ventures, 
but  his  cupidity  and  his  family  ties  rendered  him  willing 
to  accept  the  titular  position  of  governor  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company,  providing  he  might  share  in  the  com- 
pany’s dividends  without  expenditure  of  capital.  He 
never  subscribed  a halfpenny  to  the  company’s  funds, 
but  in  return  for  his  interest  at  court  was  credited  with 
a fully  paid  share  in  all  distributions  of  profits.  He 
attended  only  one  meeting  of  the  company. 

Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  (1585-1636)®^  was  one  of  the  best 
known  and  most  respected  of  the  Puritan  leaders.  He 
was  the  son  of  Richard,  illegitimate  son  of  the  second 
Lord  Rich,  by  his  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  John 

31  The  short  life  of  Eieh  in  the  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  needs  emendation.  It 
quite  misrepresents  his  share  in  the  work  of  the  Providence  Company. 
Brown  gives  more  accurate  information. 


62 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Michell,  sheriff  of  London.  He  was  admitted  to  Gray’s 
Inn  in  1610  and  entered  parliament  for  Totnes  in  1614. 
His  brother  Robert  was  wrecked  on  Bermuda  with  Sir 
George  Somers  in  1609  and  was  probably  the  author  of 
the  pamphlet,  Newes  from  Virginia,  published  in  1610. 
According  to  Brown,  Robert  Rich  was  living  in  Bermuda 
in  1617  and  died  there  in  1620.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  early 
took  a large  interest  in  the  colonial  enterprises  of  his 
family  and  became  well  known  in  public  life;  he  was 
knighted  in  1617  and  served  upon  several  royal  com- 
missions. He  was  an  original  member  of  the  Bermuda 
Company,  a member  of  the  Council  for  New  England, 
and  managed  the  Warwick  interests  in  the  courts  of  the 
Virginia  and  East  India  companies;  for  his  conduct  of 
his  party’s  case  in  the  quarrel  in  the  Virginia  Company 
he  was  bitterly  attacked  by  Sandys  and  his  faction  in 
the  House  of  Commons  in  1624,  but  he  was  one  of  the 
most  prominent  members  of  the  Council  for  Virginia 
appointed  by  the  crown  on  the  dissolution  of  the  com- 
pany. In  the  struggles  of  the  parliament  of  1628-1629 
Rich  took  a prominent  part  and  his  speeches  in  the  debate 
on  the  Petition  of  Right  have  been  preserved.  We  may 
regard  him  throughout  his  career  as  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick’s man  of  business,  who  had  a very  large  share  in 
shaping  the  family  policy. 

William  Jessop,  who  was  appointed  to  the  secretary- 
ship of  the  company,  was  a young  student  of  Gray’s 
Inn,  who  had  already  done  a considerable  amount  of 
clerical  work  for  the  Rich  family.  He  occupied  the  post 
of  secretary  to  the  company  and  to  the  patentees  of 
Saybrook  throughout  their  existence,  and  these  appoint- 
ments proved  the  opening  to  a prosperous  career;  he 
became  later  legal  agent  to  many  noble  houses,  was  clerk 
to  the  House  of  Lords  under  Henry  Elsing  in  the  Long 
Parliament,  clerk  to  the  Council  of  State  under  the  Com- 


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63 


monwealth,  and  clerk  to  the  House  of  Commons  in  the 
Long  Parliament  of  the  Restoration.  He  died  in  1675, 
leaving  a considerable  fortune.  Two  London  merchants 
took  a share  in  financing  the  first  voyage  of  exploration, 
and  both  had  been  actively  engaged  in  privateering 
enterprises  and  colonial  trade  and  sharers  in  Warwick’s 
ventures.  The  two  were  men  of  quite  different  stamp, 
though  both  were  typical  London  merchants  of  the  time. 
Gabriel  Barber  was  one  of  the  earliest  adventurers  in 
the  Virginia  Company  and  an  original  member  of  the 
Bermuda  Company.  He  was  a close  adherent  of  the 
Warwick  party  and  in  1623  was  deputy  governor  of  the 
Somers  Islands  Company,  while  he  was  a heavy  share- 
holder in  the  East  India  Company,  and  in  1625  we  find 
recorded  the  sale  of  £1200  of  East  India  stock  by  him.®^ 
That  he  was  both  wealthy  and  public  spirited  we  may 
judge  from  his  anonymous  donation  of  £550  with  the 
promise  of  more  for  the  founding  of  the  first  free  school 
in  Virginia.®*  John  Dyke  was  a member  of  the  Fish- 
monger’s Company  in  the  City  of  London  and  an  adven- 
turer in  the  Virginia,  Bermuda,  Muscovy,  and  East  India 
companies.  His  father,  Thomas  Dyke,®^  had  come  to 
London  from  Yorkshire  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  had  done  well  as  a foreign  merchant.  In  1612  he 
was  one  of  the  adventurers  in  Hudson’s  voyage  to  the 
Northwest  Passage;  on  his  death  in  1617®®  his  adven- 
tures in  the  East  India,  Virginia,  and  Bermuda  com- 
panies were  left  to  be  divided  among  his  five  sons.  At 
the  request  of  the  eldest,  Robert,  his  share  was  passed 
on  to  the  third  son,  John  Dyke,  who  thenceforward  took 

32  C.  S.  P.  East  Indies,  4 March,  1625. 

33  Barber  signed  himself  “Dust  and  Ashes.”  See  Fiske,  Old  Virginia 
and  her  Neighbours,  I,  234. 

34  Harl.  Soc.  Visit,  of  London,  I,  233. 

35  C.  S.  P.  East  Indies,  4 March,  1625. 


64 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  lead  in  the  family  affairs.  His  interest  in  colonial 
matters  was  entirely  financial  and  we  find  in  the  registers 
of  letters  of  marque®®  repeated  issue  of  letters  for  ships 
owned  by  him  in  partnership  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
and  others.  He  was  an  adherent  of  the  Warwick  party 
in  the  Virginia  quarrel  and  was  one  of  the  Council  for 
Virginia  appointed  in  1624.  His  appointment  to  the 
deputy  governorship  of  the  Providence  Company  was 
entirely  owing  to  his  commercial  experience  and,  it  will 
be  shown  later,  the  company  suffered  severely  from  its 
connection  with  him.  He  may  be  taken  as  a type  of  the 
grasping  financier  who  regarded  West  Indian  adventure 
with  a favouring  eye  only  as  long  as  it  returned  him 
large  dividends. 

It  is  hard  to  say  whether  his  attachment  to  the  Rich 
family  or  his  ardent  Puritanism  was  the  more  potent 
motive  in  securing  Sir  Thomas  Barrington’s  adhesion 
to  the  company.  The  Barrington  family  was  one  of  the 
most  important  Puritan  families  of  the  second  rank  and 
was  allied  with  practically  all  the  leaders  in  the  constitu- 
tional struggle.  The  priories  of  Leighs  and  Hatfield  in 
the  parish  of  Hatfield  Broad  Oak,  near  Felsted  in  Essex, 
had  been  granted  to  Chancellor  Rich  upon  the  Dissolu- 
tion and  from  him  the  Barringtons  had  purchased  the 
priory  of  Hatfield  in  1564.®^  Here,  henceforth,  the  family 
resided  on  terms  of  close  intimacy  with  the  Riches,  whose 
principal  seat  was  at  Leighs  Priory.  Sir  Francis  Bar- 
rington, the  first  baronet,  married  Joan,  daughter  of 
Sir  Henry  Cromwell,  the  ‘ ‘ Golden  Knight  ’ ’ of  Hinching- 
brook,  and  aunt  of  John  Hampden  and  Oliver  Cromwell, 
the  future  Protector.  Lady  Joan  Barrington  was  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  women  of  her  time,  who  kept  up 
to  her  very  latest  years  a voluminous  correspondence 

36  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1625-1630. 

37  Wright’s  Essex,  II,  310. 


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65 


with  her  numerous  family  and  whose  advice  was  repeat- 
edly sought  by  the  leaders  of  the  Puritan  party,  both 
clerical  and  lay.  She  took  an  intimate  interest  in  New 
England  and  kept  up  a correspondence  with  many  of 
the  Massachusetts  emigrants.  Roger  Williams,  the  foun- 
der of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island,  often  corresponded 
with  Lady  Barrington  and  married  one  of  her  nieces.®* 
Many  letters  from  the  Eliot  family  are  preserved  among 
the  Barrington  correspondence  and  there  are  some  rea- 
sons for  believing  that  Oliver  Cromwell  met  his  future 
wife,  Elizabeth  Bourchier,  at  Lady  Joan’s  house,  for  she 
and  Sir  John  Bourchier  were  near  neighbours.  Sir 
Francis  Barrington  represented  Essex  in  all  parliaments 
from  1601  to  his  death  in  1628  and  was  one  of  the  earliest 
members  of  the  Virginia  Company.  Thomas  (c.  1590- 
1644)  was  knighted  in  his  father’s  lifetime  and  succeeded 
to  the  baronetcy  in  1628;  he  represented  various  bor- 
oughs in  the  Rich  interest  in  the  parliaments  from  1621 
to  1628,  when  he  succeeded  his  father  as  knight  of  the 
shire  for  Essex.  During  the  struggles  over  the  Petition 
of  Right  he  was  one  of  the  inner  circle  of  Puritan  leaders, 
and  was  a fellow  member  with  Pym  and  with  his  brother- 
in-law,  Gerrard,  of  many  important  committees.  He 
married  as  his  second  wife,  Judith  Litton,  who  was  con- 
nected with  the  family  of  St.  John  of  Bletsho  and  hence 
with  the  Russells,  Earls  of  Bedford.  As  one  of  the 
deputy-lieutenants  of  Essex,  Barrington  carried  out  the 
directions  of  the  lord  lieutenant,  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
and  was  a person  of  great  importance  in  the  county. 
Many  of  the  extant  letters  from  Providence  are  addressed 
to  him  as  deputy-governor  of  the  company  for  1633- 
1634. 

William  Fiennes  (1582-1662),  first  Viscount  Saye  and 

38  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2643,  fo.  1,  Williams  to  Lady  Joan  Barrington,  2 May, 
1629. 


66 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Sele,  has  been  largely  forgotten  by  succeeding  genera- 
tions, but  down  to  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War  he  was 
regarded  by  all  as  the  typical  Puritan  and  as  one  of  the 
most  intractable  opponents  of  arbitrary  government  in 
church  and  state.  Educated  at  Oxford  a little  earlier 
than  Pym,  he  succeeded  his  father  in  the  revived  barony 
of  Saye  and  Sele  in  1613.  His  Puritanism  was  of  the 
strongest  and  he  was,  from  1621  onwards,  one  of  the 
most  prominent  of  the  anti-court  and  anti-Spanish  party ; 
to  the  breaking-off  of  the  Spanish  Match  Saye  owed  his 
promotion  in  the  peerage,  but  this  did  not  modify  his 
uncompromising  hostility  to  arbitrary  power  and  during 
the  parliament  of  1628-1629  he  was  the  king’s  most 
implacable  opponent  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  was  the 
most  skilful  tactician  among  the  Puritan  leaders.  His 
daughter,  Bridget,  was  married  to  Theophilus  Fiennes- 
Clinton,  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  through  this  connection 
and  his  intimacy  with  Warwick,  he  began  about  1629  to 
take  an  interest  in  colonisation.  He  shared  in  the  work 
of  the  Providence  Company  and  in  New  England  affairs 
from  this  time  and  we  shall  have  a good  deal  to  say  con- 
cerning his  schemes.  Many  of  the  Puritan  emigrants 
to  Providence  came  from  the  neighbourhood  of  his  seat 
at  Broughton  near  Banbury.  Saye’s  fortune  was  hardly 
equal  to  his  rank  and  some  part  of  his  interest  in  coloni- 
sation was  probably  to  be  attributed  to  his  hopes  of 
profit  from  his  ventures.  He  purchased  in  1633  a share 
in  the  Providence  Company  for  his  eldest  son,  James 
Fiennes,  but  the  latter  took  no  part  in  the  company’s 
affairs. 

Robert  Greville,  second  Lord  Brooke  (1608-1643),  was 
the  adopted  son  of  his  great  uncle.  Sir  Fulke  Greville, 
first  Baron.*®  He  sat  in  the  parliament  of  1628-1629  for 
the  family  borough  of  Warwick  and  succeeded  to  the 

39  Ilarl.  Soc.  Lincolnshire  Pedigrees,  II,  431. 


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67 


barony  soon  after  attaining  his  majority.  The  inclina- 
tion towards  Puritanism  that  he  had  imbibed  during  his 
education  in  Holland,  threw  him  under  the  influence  of 
Warwick  and  Saye,  and  it  was  they  who  led  him  to  take 
a share  in  the  Providence  Company’s  enterprise  and 
later  interested  him  in  the  colonisation  of  New  England 
and  especially  of  Saybrook.^®  The  large  fortune  he  had 
inherited  enabled  him  to  be  of  much  financial  assistance 
to  the  company,  and,  as  he  grew  older,  he  became  more 
and  more  interested  in  its  work  and  ready  to  carry  on 
some  portion  of  it  at  his  own  charge.  He  married 
Katherine  Russell,  daughter  of  Francis,  fourth  Earl  of 
Bedford;  this  connection  and  his  talents,  wealth,  and 
position  caused  him  to  fill  a very  prominent  place  in  the 
Puritan  struggle. 

Sir  Benjamin  Rudyerd  (1572-1658),  son  of  James  Rud- 
yerd  of  Rudyerd  in  Staffordshire,*^  came  to  court  to  try 
his  fortune  at  the  height  of  Queen  Elizabeth’s  reign,  and 
his  brother,  James,  started  his  career  in  the  City  of 
London  about  the  same  time.  He  played  a prominent 
part  in  the  literary  world  under  James  I,  and  was 
granted  through  his  patron,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  the 
lucrative  position  of  surveyor  to  the  Court  of  Wards 
for  life.  He  was  knighted  in  1618,  entered  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1620  as  member  for  Portsmouth,  and  sat 
in  every  subsequent  parliament  down  to  his  death. 
Although  the  anti-Spanish  views  he  had  imbibed  in  early 
manhood  under  Elizabeth  placed  him,  like  Pembroke,  in 
opposition  at  first  to  King  James’s  foreign  policy,  the 
breaking-off  of  the  Spanish  Match  allowed  him  to  take 
up  a more  moderate  position,  and  in  the  parfiament  of 

40  Fulke  Greville,  the  first  Lord  Brooke,  had  been  an  intimate  friend  of 
Ealeigh’s  and  had  taken  great  interest  in  his  schemes  of  colonisation. 
V.  Brown,  I,  15. 

41  Harl.  Soc.,  Visit,  of  London,  II,  215. 


68 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


1623  he  acted  as  spokesman  for  the  government.  But 
his  zeal  for  church  reform  threw  him  on  to  the  side  of  the 
opposition  and  in  the  parliament  of  1628-1629  he  defi- 
nitely took  his  stand  with  the  Puritan  leaders  and 
became  one  of  the  chief  members  of  the  party.  He  was 
an  intimate  friend  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich*^  and  it  was  this  friendship  that  led  him 
to  join  the  Providence  Company.  He  was  a regular 
attendant  at  its  meetings  for  some  years,  though  later 
his  interest  somewhat  cooled. 

Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard,  Bart.,  of  Harrow-on-the-Hill,  Mid- 
dlesex, succeeded  his  father  in  1583  and  was  admitted  to 
Gray’s  Inn  in  1592.  He  married  in  1620,  Mary,  daugh- 
ter of  Sir  Francis  and  Lady  Joan  Barrington,  and  was 
thus  more  strongly  confirmed  in  his  sympathies  with 
Puritanism.  He  entered  parliament  as  member  for  Mid- 
dlesex in  1621  and  thenceforth,  except  in  1626,  when  he 
was  pricked  for  sheriff  of  the  county,  he  sat  in  every 
parliament  down  to  the  Long  Parliament,  as  one  of  the 
inner  circle  of  the  Puritan  party.  The  Gerrard  family 
had  been  connected  -with  colonial  ventures  since  the  early 
part  of  Elizabeth’s  reign,  but  Sir  Gilbert  does  not  appear 
to  have  taken  any  personal  interest  in  colonisation  prior 
to  the  founding  of  the  Providence  Company  in  which  he 
was  led  to  take  a share  by  his  friendship  with  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  and  Pym.  He  was  an 
active  member  of  the  company  and  served  as  deputy- 
governor  in  1634-1635;  the  company’s  meetings  were 
occasionally  held  at  his  house  in  Holborn. 

Sir  Edward  Harwood  (1586-1632),^®  one  of  the  four 

*2  For  the  intimacy  of  the  families  see  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2646,  fo.  54. 

♦3  Brown  calls  Edward  Harwood  the  son  of  Leonard  Harwood,  member  of 
the  Virginia  Company.  This  is  shown  to  be  incorrect  by  Harl.  Soc.,  Lines. 
Pedigrees,  II.  458,  where  William  Harwood  of  Thurlby,  father  of  Edward, 
is  given  as  dying  in  1600. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


69 


standing  colonels  of  the  English  contingent  in  the  Low 
Countries,  had  long  had  an  interest  in  colonisation.  He 
was  for  many  years  a member  of  the  Virginia  Company 
and  possessed  four  shares  in  the  Somers  Islands  Com- 
pany. He  was  bound  by  ties  of  close  intimacy  with  the 
family  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  and  his  family  seat  of 
Thurlby  was  not  far  from  Sempringham.  His  brother, 
George  Harwood,^^  one  of  the  feoffees  for  impropria- 
tions in  1627,  was  the  first  treasurer  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay  Company*®  and  may  have  had  something  to  do 
with  interesting  the  Clinton  family  in  the  project.  Sir 
Edward  Harwood’s  sympathies  were  very  strongly  Puri- 
tan and  there  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  of 
assistance  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  during  their  sojourn 
in  Leyden  and  may  have  aided  them  to  secure  their 
patent  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  During  the  education 
of  Lord  Brooke  in  Holland,  Harwood  was  in  close  touch 
with  the  latter,  and  as  his  residence  abroad  precluded  his 
attendance  at  the  Providence  meetings  save  on  one  or 
two  occasions.  Lord  Brooke  acted  as  his  proxy.  Har- 
wood was  killed  in  action  at  the  siege  of  Maestricht  in 
1632. 

Richard  Knightley  (1593-1639)  succeeded  to  the  family 
domain  of  Fawsley  in  Northamptonshire  on  the  death 
of  his  cousin.  Sir  Valentine  Knightley,  in  1618.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  respected  members  of  the  Puritan  party 
and  represented  Northants  in  the  parliaments  of  1621- 
1622,  1624-1625,  1625  and  1628-1629.  He  was  prevented 
from  sitting  in  that  of  1626  by  being  pricked  sheriff  of 
his  county.  Sir  Valentine  Knightley  had  been  a member 
of  the  Virginia  Company  and  Richard  Knightley  suc- 
ceeded to  his  interest  in  colonial  affairs,  which  interest 
may  have  been  augmented  by  his  marriage  with  Anne, 

**  Lines.  Pedigrees,  II,  458.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  eclv,  ii. 

■15  Elected  28  February,  1628-1629,  Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  I. 


70 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


daughter  of  Sir  William  Courteeii.  His  house  at  Faws- 
ley  was  often  a meeting  place  for  the  opposition  leaders 
and  the  Providence  Company  occasionally  met  there  at 
the  same  time.  The  Knightleys  were  close  friends  of 
the  Hampdens,  and  Richard  Knightley’s  son  married 
one  of  John  Hampden’s  daughters,  while  his  brother, 
Nathaniel,^®  a merchant  tailor  of  London,  was  married 
to  a daughter  of  Alderman  Johnson  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany. The  adhesion  of  the  Knightley  family  to  Puri- 
tanism was  traditional,  for  at  the  time  of  the  “Marpre- 
late”  controversy  in  Elizabeth’s  reign  many  of  the 
tracts  were  printed  upon  a secret  press  at  Fawsley  in 
the  house  of  Sir  Richard  Knightley. 

Christopher  Sherland  of  Cray’s  Inn,  recorder  of 
Northampton,  represented  the  borough  in  the  parlia- 
ments of  1623-1624,  1625,  1626  and  1628-1629.  He  held 
a high  position  in  the  counsels  of  the  Puritan  party  and 
was  the  reporter  of  several  committees  of  the  House  of 
Commons.  He  came  under  the  unfavourable  notice  of 
the  government  along  with  George  Harwood  as  one  of 
the  feoffees  for  the  impropriations  of  the  tithes  of  Dun- 
stable, Cirencester,  and  Hertford  in  1627."  His  strong 
Puritanism  led  him  to  take  frequent  part  in  the  debates 
on  religious  questions  in  parliament.  He  died  early  in 
1632. 

The  most  important  executive  office  in  the  Providence 
Company,  as  in  the  Virginia  and  Somers  Islands  com- 
panies, was  the  treasurership.  To  this  office  his  strik- 

Harl.  Soe.,  Visit,  of  London,  II,  35. 

47  Neal  in  his  History  of  the  Puritans  gives  his  name  as  Sherman,  but  a 
reference  to  the  original  list  among  the  Domestic  State  Papers  proves  that 
this  should  really  be  Sherland.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  celv,  ii.  The  Feoffees 
were  a prominent  group  of  Puritans,  in  whom  were  vested  the  impropriate 
tithes  of  certain  benefices.  These  tithes  they  administered  for  the  support 
of  Puritan  lecturers,  and  they  therefore  fell  under  Laud’s  displeasure  and 
were  dissolved.  See  Publications,  Mass.  Col.  Soe.  XI,  pp.  263-277. 


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71 


ing  financial  ability  and  experience  secured  the  election 
of  John  Pym.  Of  those  who  have  exercised  a command- 
ing influence  on  English  history  there  is  perhaps  no  one 
whose  career  has  been  less  studied  than  has  Pym’s.  His 
only  modern  biographers,  Forster,  Gardiner,  and  Gold- 
win  Smith,*®  concern  themselves  almost  entirely  with  his 
public  life  in  parliament  and  are  in  great  part  devoted 
to  the  last  three  years  of  his  life,  when  his  name  was  on 
every  lip.  The  whole  ordered  development  of  his  career, 
however,  marked  him  out  to  his  colleagues  in  the  inner 
circle  of  the  Puritan  party  during  the  intermission  of 
parliaments  as  the  natural  successor  of  Eliot  in  the  lead- 
ership in  the  struggle  against  arbitrary  power,  and  the 
commanding  position  he  at  once  took  up  on  the  opening 
of  the  Long  Parliament,  must  have  seemed  entirely  nat- 
ural to  the  men  whose  schemes  he  had  advised  and 
directed  ever  since  the  prison  doors  closed  upon  Eliot  in 
1629.  The  master-mind  that  governed  the  whole  course 
of  the  Providence  Company  was  Pjun’s,  and  it  is  neces- 
sary therefore  to  deal  with  his  earlier  career  at  some 
length. 

John  Pym  (1584-1643)  was  the  son  of  Alexander  Pym 
of  Brymore,  Somerset ; his  father  died  when  he  was  very 
young  and  his  mother,  Philippa  Coles,  married  within  a 
year  or  two  Sir  Anthony  Rous  of  Halton  St.  Dominick, 
Cornwall,  vdth  whose  family  Pym  was  brought  up.  Sir 
Anthony’s  second  son  by  his  first  wife  married  Pym’s 
sister  Jane,  born  in  1581,  while  his  fourth  son  was  Fran- 
cis Rous,  the  celebrated  provost  of  Eton,  who  played  an 
important  part  in  the  Puritan  struggle.  We  shall  find 
several  members  of  the  Rous  family  mentioned  in  the 
Providence  records.  Pym  matriculated  at  Broadgates 
Hall  (now  Pembroke  College),  Oxford,  in  1599,  his  slop- 
es A popular  biography  of  Pym  has  recently  appeared,  but  to  this  the 
same  criticism  applies. 


72 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


brother,  Francis,  having  graduated  from  the  same  college 
three  years  before;  in  1602  he  became  a student  of  the 
Middle  Temple  but  was  never  called  to  the  bar. 

Sir  Anthony  Rous  was  the  representative  of  the  inter- 
ests of  the  great  Russell  family  on  the  Devon  and  Cor- 
nish border.  The  parish  of  Halton  St.  Dominick  lies 
under  ten  miles  from  Tavistock,  the  spoils  of  whose  abbey 
had  fallen  to  the  Russells  at  the  Dissolution  the  region 
is  rich  in  lead  and  copper  mines  and  from  these  mines 
the  family  then  drew  a large  share  of  their  wealth.  The 
interest  of  the  third  Earl  of  Bedford  was  sufficient  to 
secure  for  young  Pym  a lucrative  appointment  in  the 
Exchequer  and  on  June  11,  1605,  an  order®®  was  issued 
to  draw  a grant  to  John  Pym  in  reversion  after  Henry 
Audley  of  the  receivership  of  the  counties  of  Hants, 
Wilts,  and  Gloucestershire.  How  long  he  waited  for  his 
office  does  not  appear,  but  from  1613  we  find  occasional 
references  to  his  work  in  the  financial  business  of  the 
counties.  The  monetary  difficulties  that  beset  James  I 
must  have  added  considerably  to  the  work  of  Pym’s  post 
and  in  1618  he  is  found  writing  to  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury  that  it  was  impossible  to  raise  a sum  of  £2000, 
which  he  had  been  directed  to  procure  by  the  sale  of 
some  crown  rents.®^  Pym  entered  parliament  for  the 
first  time  for  the  borough  of  Tavistock  in  1620,®^  the 
borough  being  entirely  devoted  to  the  Russell  interest. 
He  at  once  began  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  committee 
work  of  the  Commons,  and  showed  even  thus  early  a 
strong  interest  in  religious  questions.  He  was  naturally 
urged  towards  Puritanism  by  his  serious  temper;  and 

*9  See  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  art.  William  Eussell,  first  Earl  of  Bedford,  XLIX, 
446. 

50  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  1 June,  1605. 

51  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  28  Sept.,  1618. 

52  The  statement  that  he  sat  in  the  parliament  of  1614  for  Caine  has  been 
shown  to  be  incorrect. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


73 


the  influence  of  his  step-brother,  Francis  Rous,  and  of  his 
friend,  Charles  Fitz-Geffry,  put  him  definitely  upon  the 
Puritan  side.  The  death  of  his  wife,  Anna  Hooke,®®  in 
1620,  increased  his  devotion  to  religion.  He  was  a mem- 
ber of  the  Commons’  committee  of  1620-1621  upon  reli- 
gious grievances  and  his  work,  while  it  brought  him  into 
notice  with  the  Puritan  party,  led  to  his  detention  along 
with  other  prominent  Puritan  members  at  the  end  of 
the  parliament.  From  his  confinement  in  his  own  house 
he  had  to  be  released  early  in  1622  by  Cranfield’s  influ- 
ence to  carry  out  some  important  financial  work  for  the 
Exchequer,®*  but  he  was  compelled  to  return  to  confine- 
ment when  the  work  was  complete.  Cranfield  found  his 
assistance  in  the  Exchequer  so  useful,  however,  that  he 
secured  from  the  king  Pym’s  full  release  about  the  end 
of  the  year. 

In  the  first  parliament  of  Charles  I,  Pym  began  to 
take  a really  prominent  part,  especially  in  committee 
work;  an  experience  in  financial  affairs,  so  uncommon 
outside  the  official  members  of  the  house,  made  him 
reporter  of  the  committee  on  the  lord  treasurer’s  finan- 
cial statement,  while  his  mastery  of  detail  caused  his 
repeated  choice  as  reporter  of  the  numerous  other  com- 
mittees upon  which  he  sat.  It  is  most  noticeable  in  the 
Commons’  journals  of  this  period  how  frequently  the 
names  of  a small  knot  of  members  occur  upon  the  impor- 
tant committees  that  then  did  so  large  a share  of  the 
work  of  the  House ; Sir  N.  Rich,  Sir  B.  Rudyerd,  Sir  G. 
Gerrard,  Sir  T.  Barrington,  Christopher  Sherland,  and 
Pym  himself,  were  repeatedly  serving  together  in  this 
way,  and  one  of  them  was  in  most  cases  chosen  reporter 
of  the  committee.  The  intimate  personal  friendship  unit- 

53  Capt.  Hooke,  a relative,  was  in  the  years  1634-1635  a principal  leader  of 
the  malcontents  in  Providence. 

54  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Fourth  Beport,  App’x,  He  la  Warr  MSS.,  p.  305,  etc. 


74 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


ing  them  and  this  common  experience  in  public  work 
made  the  group  the  most  powerful  body  in  England 
outside  the  official  hierarchies. 

Pym  continued  deeply  interested  in  religious  and  finan- 
cial matters  and  was  entrusted  with  the  management  of 
the  financial  articles  of  the  impeachment  of  Buckingham, 
May,  1626.  He  conducted  the  impeachment  of  Mainwar- 
ing  in  the  parliament  of  1628,  but  in  the  riotous  scene 
that  closed  the  session  of  1629  he  took  no  part.  With 
the  dissolution  of  parliament  and  the  arrest  of  Eliot, 
his  public  career  must  have  seemed  closed  and  he  there- 
fore turned,  in  the  practical  way  that  characterised  him, 
to  the  new  interest  of  colonisation  that  had  lately  begun 
to  occupy  his  mind.  Opportunities  for  the  exercise  of 
statecraft  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  were  denied 
to  any  Englishman  outside  the  ranks  of  the  high  nobility 
or  the  narrow  circle  of  permanent  officials;  to  a man  like 
Pym,  who  had  had  for  ten  years  a share,  though  a small 
one,  in  the  government  of  his  country,  who  had  sat  in 
every  parliament  since  1620  and  had  slowly  built  up  for 
himself  a reputation  for  capacity,  the  closing  of  all  hope 
of  further  influence  on  his  country’s  life  with  the  closing 
of  parliament,  must  have  been  a hard  blow  to  his  ambi- 
tion. But  the  schemes  for  Puritan  colonisation  presented 
themselves  to  him  with  their  vistas  of  opportunity  and 
Pym  seized  upon  them  with  avidity  and  devoted  whole- 
heartedly to  the  Providence  Company’s  affairs  his  time, 
his  thought,  and  his  fortune.  For  eight  years  the  com- 
pany absorbed  him  until  the  events  of  1638-1639  again 
encouraged  a hope  that  the  great  struggle  still  remained 
to  be  won,  and  he  felt  that  a part  upon  the  great  stage 
once  more  was  calling  him. 

Pym  seems  first  to  have  come  into  contact  with  colo- 
nial affairs  in  1628,  when  he  was  appointed  reporter  of 
the  Commons’  committee  upon  the  petition  of  the  Somers 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


75 


Islands  planters.  The  committee’s  investigation  much 
interested  him  in  the  affairs  of  the  islands  and  the  report, 
which  was  drawn  up  by  him,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  and  two 
others,  strongly  represented  to  the  king  the  planters’ 
claim  for  relief.  The  Bermuda  charter  had  been  granted 
to  the  company  on  June  29,  1615,  but  now  after  an  inter- 
val of  thirteen  years  it  was  submitted  to  parliament  for 
confirmation.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  its  presenta- 
tion after  so  long  a delay,  but  it  may  have  been  due  to 
a desire  on  the  part  of  the  crown  to  show  the  Commons, 
who  had  been  attacking  so  many  royal  grants  to  com- 
panies, that  some  of  them  were  quite  unexceptionable. 
The  bill  of  confirmation  was  sent  to  a select  committee 
comprising  among  others  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  (reporter), 
Pym,  Barrington,  and  Rudyerd.®®  The  interest  in  Ber- 
muda thus  excited  in  Pym ’s  mind  caused  him  to  purchase 
several  shares  of  land  in  the  islands ; on  the  formation  of 
the  Providence  Company  his  new  interest  in  colonisation 
further  expanded  and  he  was  prepared  to  accept  the 
treasurership,  which  was  offered  to  him  by  a unanimous 
vote.  Although  Pym  for  the  next  eight  years  devoted 
so  much  time  to  the  Providence  Company,  he  still  found 
enough  energy  to  do  other  work.  He  retained  his  post 
in  the  Exchequer,  and  that  he  still  hankered  after  gov- 
ernmental work  which  did  not  commit  him  to  approval 
of  arbitrary  power,  is  shown  by  his  willingness  to  serve 
in  1632  as  a commissioner  for  Gloucestershire  to  enquire 
into  the  causes  of  depopulation  and  of  the  conversion  of 
arable  land  to  pasture. 

John  Robartes  (1606-1685)®*  was  led  to  invest  money 
in  the  Providence  Company  either  by  his  friendship  with 

55  For  the  information  concerning  these  committees  refer  to  Commons  ’ 
Journal. 

56  Succeeded  his  father  as  Lord  Eobartes  of  Truro  in  1634,  and  was 
created  at  the  Eestoration  Earl  of  Eadnor. 


76 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Pym  or  by  his  connection  with  the  Rich  family.  He 
belonged  to  a Cornish  family  that  had  attained  to  great 
wealth  by  dealings  in  tin  and  wool.  His  father,  Richard 
Robartes,  had  for  years  suffered  from  governmental 
extortion  and  one  of  the  charges  in  the  impeachment  of 
Buckingham,  which  it  fell  to  Pym  to  prove,  was  that  he 
had  compelled  Robartes  to  purchase  his  barony  in  1625 
at  a cost  of  £10,000.  The  family  was  closely  allied  with 
Pym  and  the  Rous  family  by  marriage,  William  Rous, 
eldest  grandson  of  Sir  Anthony  Rous,  having  married 
Maria,  sister  of  John  Robartes,  in  1617,  while  John 
Robartes  himself  married  Lucy  Rich,  second  daughter 
of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  was  educated  at  Exeter 
College,  Oxford,  where,  according  to  Wood,  he  “sucked 
in  evil  principles  both  as  to  Church  and  State.  In  1630 
he  was  just  beginning  to  take  an  interest  in  public  affairs 
and  his  intimacy  with  the  promoters  induced  him  to  take 
a share  in  the  Providence  Company,  but  he  was  never  a 
regular  attendant  at  its  meetings  though  he  could  be 
depended  on  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  older  members. 

It  was  certainly  Pjun’s  influence  that  led  Oliver  St. 
John  to  take  an  interest  for  the  first  time  in  colonisation 
and  to  invest  in  the  Providence  Company.  A cadet  of 
the  house  of  St.  John  of  Bletsho,  Oliver  St.  John  was 
in  1630  beginning  to  acquire  a practice  as  a pleader  under 
the  SBgis  of  the  Russell  family.  He  had  married  Lady 
Joan  Barrington’s  favourite  niece  Joan,  daughter  of  her 
brother,  Henry  Cromwell,  and  was  the  old  lady’s  con- 
stant correspondent  on  business  matters.  He  had  been 
called  to  the  bar  at  Lincoln’s  Inn  in  1626  and  was  at  this 
period  earning  a reputation  among  his  friends  as  an 
acute  lawyer.  He  had  been  sent  to  the  Tower  in  Novem- 
ber, 1629,  for  communicating  to  his  patron,  the  Earl  of 
Bedford,  Dudley’s  tract  on  Bridling  Parliaments,  but 

57  Wood’s  AthencB  Oxonienses,  III,  271,  IV,  178. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


77 


was  released  on  the  birth  of  Prince  Charles  in  June, 
1630.  His  services  were  always  called  into  requisition  by 
the  Providence  and  Saybrook  patentees  in  legal  matters, 
and  to  the  reputation  for  legal  acumen  he  acquired 
among  the  Puritan  leaders  we  may  attribute  his  selection 
as  Hampden’s  counsel  in  the  Ship-Money  case,  when  he 
was  quite  unknown  to  the  nation  at  large.  It  was 
through  Pym  also  that  John  Graunt  came  to  join  the 
company.  He  had  for  years  been  an  employe  of  the 
government  in  various  posts  under  the  Exchequer®*  and 
was  therefore  in  all  probability  an  old  personal  friend 
of  Pym’s.  He  was,  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing, 
clerk  of  the  cheque  in  the  Exchequer  and  in  charge  of 
all  the  king’s  messengers.  His  financial  abilities  were 
made  use  of  by  the  Providence  Company,  who  employed 
him  as  auditor  of  their  accounts. 

The  last  group  of  adventurers  owe  their  connection 
with  the  company  to  the  interest  in  Puritan  colonisation 
that  they  had  acquired  from  their  neighbours.  Gregory 
Gawsell  was  lord  of  the  manor  of  Watlington,  John  Gur- 
don  was  the  eldest  son  of  old  Brampton  Gurdon  of 
Assington,  Suffolk,  and  Letton,  Norfolk,  while  Sir  Ed- 
mond Moundeford  was  lord  of  the  manor  of  Feltwell. 
All  these  places  lie  within  a radius  of  twenty  miles  from 
John  Winthrop’s  home  of  Groton,  Suffolk,  and  all  three 
men  were  friends  of  the  Winthrops  and  their  relations. 
Puritanism  and  the  desire  for  emigration  were  particu- 
larly strong  in  this  corner  of  East  Anglia,  and  it  was 
this  fact  that  led  them  to  invest  in  the  Providence  Com- 
pany. Gregory  Gawsell  was  probably  entrusted  by  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  with  the  oversight  of  the  estates  of  the 
Rich  family  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk.  He  was  a man  of 
considerable  importance  in  the  county,  as  is  shown  by 
his  position  as  treasurer  for  the  Eastern  Counties’  Asse- 
ss C.  S.  P.  Dorn.,  12  July,  1619,  23  July,  1620;  1635-1636,  p.  182. 


78 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


ciation  in  the  Civil  War.®®  His  sister  was  married  to  one 
of  the  Saltonstall  family,  but  he  himself  was  never  mar- 
ried; his  tomb,  vdth  a long  Latin  inscription  narrating 
his  virtues,  is  in  Watlington  Church.®®  John  Gurdon  was 
an  intimate  friend  of  John  Winthrop®^  and  his  sister 
married  Richard,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall ;®® 
he  was  also  well  known  to  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich.  He  came 
to  the  front  during  the  Civil  War,  was  a member  of  the 
Eastern  Counties’  Association  and  one  of  the  king’s 
judges.  His  name  is  spelt  in  the  Providence  records 
Gourden,  but  he  must  not  be  confused  with  John  Gauden, 
chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  after  the  Restora- 
tion Bishop  of  Worcester,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the 
author  of  the  Eikon  Basilike.  Sir  Edmond  Moundeford 
represented  Thetford  in  the  parliament  of  1628-1629  and 
the  county  of  Norfolk  in  the  Short  and  Long  Parliaments. 
He  took  as  active  a part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Providence 
Company  as  his  residence  so  far  from  London  would 
allow,  and  a letter  from  him  to  his  friend  Sir  Simonds 
d’Ewes  concerning  the  company  is  extant.®® 

The  intimate  bonds  uniting  the  members  of  the  com- 
pany, and  in  a wider  circle  the  leaders  of  the  Puritan 
party,  cannot  fail  to  be  remarked  in  these  brief  notices 
of  their  careers,  but  there  is  a second  fact  about  them, 
that  is,  perhaps,  not  so  obvious.  It  is  remarkable  what 
a preponderant  part  East  Anglia  played  in  the  great 
Puritan  emigration  and  in  the  Puritan  revolution  ten 
years  later,  and  here  we  find  that,  outside  London,  the 
Providence  Company  was  mainly  of  interest  to  men 
from  the  eastern  shires.  It  would  be  a study  of  great 

59  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  Vol.  539,  no.  291,  30  May,  1645,  Gawsell’s  signature. 

60  Blomefield ’s  Norfolk,  VII,  480.  For  Gawsell’s  pedigree  see  Harl.  Soc., 
Visit,  of  Norfolk. 

61  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VII,  632. 

62  Ihid.,  p.  251. 

63  Brit.  Mus.,  Harl.  MSS.,  207,  fo.  211. 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY 


79 


interest,  but  one  that  lies  beyond  the  scope  of  our  pres- 
ent subject,  to  examine  the  causes  that,  between  the  years 
1630  and  1640,  specially  predisposed  the  men  of  eastern 
England  to  emigration.  The  tendency  seems  to  have 
affected  most  strongly  those  living  in  an  area  that  is 
spread  out  in  a great  horseshoe  around  the  low-lying 
fen  country  that  drains  into  the  Wash,  Puritanism  was 
certainly  stronger  in  this  part  of  England  than  in  any 
other,  but  this  would  hardly  be  sufficient  to  account  for 
the  phenomenon,  and  it  is  probable  that  a minute  enquiry 
would  reveal  the  workings  of  some  deep-seated  economic 
cause,  a probability  that  is  strengthened  when  we  recall 
that  throughout  the  early  Stuart  period  there  was  in  the 
area  in  question  constant  agitation  of  an  economic  and 
agrarian  character,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  Domestic 
State  Papers, 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  SAYBROOK  PROJECT  AND  THE  SETTLE- 
MENT OF  PROVIDENCE 

While  Bell  and  Elfrith  were  getting  their  colonists 
together  in  Bermuda  and  establishing  the  foundations 
of  a colony  in  Santa  Catalina,  matters  were  moving 
apace  with  the  emigrants  to  Massachusetts.  Endecott 
on  his  second  voyage  in  1629  had  established  the  settle- 
ments of  Salem  and  Charlestown,  and  the  main  expedi- 
tion under  Winthrop’s  leadership  left  Southampton 
Water  on  March  23,  1630.  The  more  important  members 
of  the  company,  such  as  Dudley  and  Johnson,  accom- 
panied Winthrop,  but  John  Humphry,  the  first  deputy- 
governor,  was  left  behind  to  look  after  the  company’s 
affairs  in  England,^  and  Winthrop’s  eldest  son,  John, 
remained  to  sell  off  the  family  estates  and  refresh  his 
knowledge  of  fortification  for  use  if  necessary  in  defence 
against  the  Indians.  The  intimate  connection  of  the 
Providence  Company’s  leaders  with  the  Massachusetts 
enterprise  at  this  time  was  most  marked  and  they  were 
constantly  rendering  services  to  the  emigrants.  Just 
before  sailing,  for  instance,  we  find  Isaac  Johnson  writ- 
ing to  Winthrop  concerning  his  son  John’s  studies  in 
fortification:^  “We  have  writ  a letter  to  Sir  N.  Rich 
to  get  a letter  from  him  to  Capt.  Gosnall  that  your  son 
may  by  his  means  take  a view  and  plot  of  Harwich  Fort 
for  us ; for  which  I pray  you  will  let  him  have  time.  . . . 

1 Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  23  March,  1629-1630. 

2 Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VI,  31. 

Warwick,  as  lord  lieutenant  of  Essex,  was  in  command  of  all  the  forti- 
fications in  the  country. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


81 


P.  S.  I have  sent  Sir  N.  Rich  his  letter  for  your  son, 
which,  I hope,  is  sufficient.”  On  December  9,  1630,  Johi^ 
Humphry  writes  to  Isaac  Johnson  at  Charlestown:® 
“We  are  all  much  bound  to  my  Lord  Say  for  his  cordial 
advice  and  true  affections.  As  also  to  my  Lord  of  War- 
wick. Sir  Natha:  Rich  deserves  much  acknowledgment 
of  his  wise  handling.  . . . My  Lord  of  Warwick  will  take 
a Patent  of  that  place  you  writ  of  for  himself,  and  so  we 
may  be  bold  to  do  there  as  if  it  were  our  own.  Write 
letters  abundantly  to  him  and  others,  though  they  deserve 
them  not  as  he  doth.  My  Lord  Say  told  me  he  had  writ 
a letter  to  you,  but  I cannot  learn  where  he  hath  left  it.  ’ ’ 
This  patent  that  Humphry  mentions  is  of  great 
interest  as  it  shows  us  the  beginnings  of  the  movement 
that  resulted  a few  years  later  in  the  foundation  of  the 
Saybrook  settlement.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  a 
previous  chapter  we  spoke  of  the  division  by  lot  in  1623 
of  the  lands  of  New  England  between  the  subscribing 
members  of  the  Council  for  New  England  owing  to  the 
great  parliamentary  opposition  that  the  council  had 
encountered  as  a monopoly.  From  1623  to  1628  the 
Council  for  New  England  was  in  a moribund  condition 
and  appears  to  have  done  little  or  nothing.  About  the 
beginning  of  1629,  however,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  began 
to  take  a renewed  interest  in  its  affairs  and  in  concert 
with  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  began  to  resuscitate  its 
activities.  It  has  been  the  custom  of  writers  to  represent 
Gorges  as  in  a state  of  perennial  hostility  to  the  Puritan 
colonists  of  New  England  and,  if  we  only  considered  the 
period  from  1632  onwards,  this  does  correctly  represent 
his  attitude,  but  in  the  period  1629-1632  all  the  contem- 
porary accounts  of  his  action  are  consistent  with  his  own 
version  of  what  occurred.  His  attitude  towards  the 
Puritan  colonies  was  entirely  benevolent  providing  the 
3 Hid.,  VI,  15. 


82 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


interests  of  his  own  family  were  not  injured,  and  he  was 
quite  willing  to  join  Warwick  in  smoothing  matters  for 
the  colonists  as  much  as  possible.  In  his  Briefe  Narra- 
tion he  puts  the  matter  thus:^  “The  King,  not  pleased 
with  divers  the  passages  of  some  particular  persons, 
who  in  their  speeches  seemed  to  trench  further  on  his 
royal  prerogative  than  stood  with  his  safety  and  honour 
to  give  way  unto,  suddenly  brake  off  the  Parliament. 
Whereby  divers  were  so  fearful  what  would  follow  so 
unaccustomed  an  action,  some  of  the  principal  of  those 
liberal  speakers  being  committed  to  the  Tower,  others 
to  other  prisons — which  took  all  hope  of  reformation 
of  Church  government  from  many  not  affecting  Episco- 
pal jurisdiction,  nor  the  usual  practice  of  the  common 
prayers  of  the  Church,  whereof  there  were  several  sorts, 
though  not  agreeing  among  themselves,  yet  all  of  dis- 
like of  those  particulars.  Some  of  the  discreeter  sort, 
to  avoid  what  they  found  themselves  subject  unto,  made 
use  of  their  friends  to  procure  from  the  Council  for  the 
affairs  of  New  England  to  settle  a colony  within  their 
limits;  to  which  it  pleased  the  thrice-honoured  Lord  of 
Warwick  to  write  to  me  then  at  Plymouth  to  condescend® 
that  a patent  might  be  granted  to  such  as  then  sued  for 
it.  Whereupon  I gave  my  approbation,  so  far  forth  as 
it  might  not  be  prejudicial  to  my  son,  Robert  Gorges’, 
interests  whereof  he  had  a patent  under  the  seal  of  the 
Council.  Hereupon  there  was  a grant  passed®  as  was 
thought  reasonable,  but  the  same  was  afterwards  en- 
larged by  his  Majesty  and  confirmed  under  the  great 
seal  of  England.”^ 

■*  Archceol.  Amer.,  Ill,  xlv. 

5 A word  implying  in  the  seventeenth  century  not  the  attitude  of  a superior 
towards  an  inferior,  but  mere  acquiescence. 

8 Warwick’s  Patent  of  19  March,  1628. 

1 The  Massachusetts  Charter  of  4 March,  1629. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


83 


The  Council  for  New  England  was  in  a state  of  revived 
activity  under  Warwick’s  presidency  from  1628  onwards, 
and  it  was  by  his  direction  that  the  draft  of  a grant  was 
prepared  late  in  1630.  A printed  version  of  the  deed 
that  was  subsequently  based  on  this  draft  has  come  down 
to  us  through  Trumbull,  the  historian  of  Connecticut,® 
but  neither  of  the  original  documents  nor  any  record  of 
their  official  enrolment  has  ever  been  discovered,  and  a 
large  amount  of  controversy  has  raged  round  the  ques- 
tion of  their  validity.  The  subject  need  not  detain  us 
here,  but  it  may  be  suggested  that  in  promising  a further 
patent  to  the  Massachusetts  settlers,  Warwick  was 
relying  on  his  control  of  the  New  England  Council  and 
his  temporary  agreement  with  the  Gorges.  The  so- 
called  patent  that  is  printed  by  Trumbull  is  not  at  all 
usual  in  form  and  may  have  been  the  informal  draft, 
which,  before  it  could  be  sealed,  would  have  had  to 
undergo  revision  at  the  hands  of  the  lawyers.  The 
grantor  of  a territory  must  himself  have  a legal  title 
before  he  can  validly  transfer  it  to  others,  and  it  cer- 
tainly cannot  be  said  that  Warwick,  even  though  he  was 
president  of  the  New  England  Council,  had  either  a clear 
or  an  undisputed  right  to  make  grants  of  the  territory 
that  was  nominally  vested  in  the  council. 

Warwick  and  his  friends,  however,  undoubtedly  acted 
on  the  assumption  that  they  could  dispose  of  the  desired 
territory,  and  it  appears  safe  to  take  Trumbull’s  version 
of  the  grant  as  correct  in  the  main.  On  March  19,  1632, 
Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  regranted  the  land  for  a dis- 
tance of  forty  leagues  from  the  Narragansett  River  to 
the  following  peers  and  gentlemen:  “the  right  honour- 
able William,  Viscount  Saye  and  Sele,  the  right  honour- 
able Robert,  Lord  Brooke,  the  right  honourable  Lord 
Rich,  and  the  honourable  Charles  Fiennes,  Esq.,  Sir 

8 Trumbull ’s  History  of  Connecticut,  I,  495. 


84 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Nathaniel  Rich,  Knt.,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Knt., 
Richard  Knightley,  Esq.,  John  Pym,  Esq.,  John  Hamp- 
den, Esq.,  John  Humphry,  Esq.,  and  Herbert  Pelham, 
Esq.”®  With  the  exception  of  the  last  named,  we  can 
identify  each  of  these  gentlemen  as  intimately  interested 
in  the  Puritan  migration  to  Massachusetts,  and  six  out 
of  eleven  as  members  of  the  newly  founded  Providence 
Company.  No  action  to  enforce  the  grant  was  taken  as 
yet,  but  from  the  surrounding  circumstances  we  may  be 
certain  that  the  preliminary  steps  now  taken  were  not 
without  aim,  hut  were  in  pursuance  of  a settled  policy. 
The  project  for  a great  migration  was  seizing  more  and 
more  upon  the  minds  of  Puritan  men,  Massachusetts  had 
just  been  founded  as  one  home  for  the  refugees.  Provi- 
dence, it  was  hoped,  would  soon  become  another;  many 
attempts  were  being  made  by  godless  men,  such  as  Old- 
ham or  Mason,  and  by  Arminians,  such  as  the  Brownes, 
to  found  settlements  along  the  New  England  coasts. 
It  would  be  well  to  secure  a further  large  part  of  New 
England  for  the  expansion  of  the  new  Puritan  commu- 
nity and  for  a refuge  for  the  Puritan  settlers  from 
Providence  if  Puritan  hopes  in  the  West  Indies  should 
be  disappointed.  We  shall  see  how  some  of  these  antici- 
pations were  verified  four  years  later,  but  in  a way 
entirely  unexpected  to  the  first  patentees. 

Before  we  gather  up  the  scattered  threads  we  have 
collected  and  attempt  to  weave  with  them  the  story  of 
the  Providence  Company,  let  us  pause  for  a moment  and 
regard  the  changes  that  had  taken  place  along  the 
American  seaboard  since  we  surveyed  it  as  it  was  in 
1600.  The  infant  French  colony  around  Quebec  and 
along  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was  beginning  to 
be  called  Canada  and  was  in  1631  for  the  moment  in  the 

9 The  Clinton  family  were  allied  with  the  Pelhams  and  this  man  was 
probably  a relative  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln. 


SAYBEOOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


85 


hands  of  the  Franco-Scottish  brothers  Kirke;  in  Nova 
Scotia  the  French  Acadians  at  Port  Royal  and  Sir 
William  Alexander’s  rival  Scottish  colony  had  begun 
their  century-long  conflict.  Along  the  shores  of  Maine 
a few  scattered  fishing  settlements  were  all  that  yet 
existed,  but  the  rise  of  Massachusetts  as  a stable  com- 
munity had  begun,  and  Plymouth  had  already  quite  a 
respectable  history  of  struggle  behind  it.  Neither  Dutch 
nor  English  had  yet  entered  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut, 
though  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River  Manhattan 
had  commenced  a precarious  existence  as  the  Cinderella 
of  the  Dutch  colonies.  It  was  not  till  1632  that  George 
Calvert,  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  abandoning  his 
attempts  at  colonisation  in  Newfoundland  and  Virginia, 
secured  from  Charles  I the  proprietorship  of  Maryland, 
though  already  William  Claiborne  had  established  a 
plantation  on  Kent  Island  in  the  Chesapeake  and  settled 
there  about  a hundred  men  from  Virginia.’®  Virginia 
had  in  1631  long  since  passed  the  struggling  stage  and 
was  on  the  high  road  to  prosperity;  Bermuda,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  disappointed  the  hopes  of  its  colonisers, 
and  Sir  Robert  Heath’s  attempted  colonisation  of 
“Carolana”  had  proved  entirely  abortive. 

Matters  in  the  West  Indies  had  as  yet  changed  little; 
St.  Christopher  and  Nevis  had  just  been  cleared  by  Spain 
of  their  English  and  French  settlers,  but  these  had 
almost  immediately  returned.  St.  Martin’s,  Saba,  and 
St.  Eustatius  were  each  held  by  a few  Dutchmen,  and 
others  were  attempting  a colony  on  Tobago ; Martinique 
already  had  a few  French  settlers  and  Barbadoes  was 
definitely  showing  signs  of  becoming  a prosperous  Eng- 
lish colony.  The  rest  of  the  Lesser  Antilles  were  still 
abandoned  to  the  cannibal  Caribs;  off  the  shores  of 

J.  H.  U.  Studies,  XIII,  Latane,  ‘ ‘ Early  Eelations  between  Maryland 
and  Virginia,”  p.  11. 


86 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Tierra  Firme  the  Dutch  had  already  made  Curasao  into 
a place  of  arms  and  thence  were  maintaining  the  profit- 
able clandestine  trade  with  the  Spanish  colonies.  In 
Guiana  they  were  the  only  nation  achieving  anything 
like  success,  though  English  and  French  were  still  making 
attempts  at  trade  and  settlement.  It  was  in  Brazil  that 
the  Dutch  West  India  Company  were  achieving  great 
things  at  the  expense  of  Spain  and  were  making  the  most 
successful  attempt  to  maintain  an  empire  in  tropical 
America  that  has  ever  been  made  by  a non-Iberian 
nation.  The  Iberian  monopoly  of  the  New  World  had  in 
thirty  years  been  utterly  destroyed,  all  the  great  colo- 
nising nations  had  taken  their  first  steps  westward  and 
already  the  lists  were  being  prepared  for  the  struggle 
for  colonial  power  that  was  to  rage  through  the  next 
two  centuries  with  ever-varying  fortunes. 

There  does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  1630  any 
invariable  method  of  securing  from  the  crown  the  right 
of  planting  a colony,  grants  being  issued  both  under  the 
sign  manual  and  under  the  great  seal,  while  some  colonies 
were  commenced  without  any  direct  license  from  the 
crown.  The  most  formal,  but  at  the  same  time  the  most 
costly  method,  was  to  obtain  the  issue  of  letters  patent 
under  the  great  seal,  and  this  was  the  method  chosen 
by  the  Providence  Company.  The  letters  patent  were 
prepared  upon  the  direction  of  a secretary  of  state  by 
the  attorney-general  in  consultation  with  the  legal  repre- 
sentative of  the  company,  Oliver  St.  John,  and  were 
engrossed  upon  the  patent  rolP^  on  December  4,  1630. 
The  total  cost  of  the  patent  including  the  necessary  fees 
amounted  to  some  £60,  but  in  this  total  the  numerous 
douceurs  paid  to  the  clerks  of  the  Privy  Council,  etc., 
were  not  included.  The  company  was  incorporated  under 
the  title  of  ‘ ‘ The  Governor  and  Company  of  Adventurers 

11  7 Car.,  I,  Part  14. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


87 


of  the  City  of  Westminster  for  the  Plantation  of  the 
Islands  of  Providence  or  Catalina,  Henrietta  or  Andrea, 
and  the  adjacent  islands  lying  upon  the  coast  of 
America,”  and  the  limits  within  which  the  company’s 
activities  were  confined  were  the  tenth  and  twentieth 
degrees  “from  the  Equinoctial  line  towards  the  Tropic 
of  Cancer,”  and  the  two  hundred  and  ninetieth  and 
three  hundred  and  tenth  degrees  of  longitude.  The  area 
thus  marked  out  for  the  company’s  enterprise  is  some 
six  hundred  geographical  miles  from  north  to  south  by 
one  thousand  two  hundred  miles  from  west  to  east.  The 
longitude  was  measured  eastward  from  Ferro  in  the 
Canaries  and  the  two  hundred  and  ninetieth  meridian 
(88°  W.  of  Greenwich)  passes  through  Cape  Catoche  and 
the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Honduras,  while  the  three  hun- 
dred and  tenth  meridian  (68°  W.)  runs  through  the  Mona 
Passage  between  Hispaniola  and  Porto  Rico.  The  par- 
allel of  10°  N.  lat.  passes  to  the  north  of  the  Isthmus  of 
Darien  and  the  northern  limit  of  the  patent  just  included 
the  northern  shore  of  Hispaniola. 

The  patent  follows  the  general  lines  of  the  colonial 
patents  of  the  period,  and,  as  copied  into  the  company’s 
entry  book,  fills  its  first  twenty  pages.  The  Earl  of 
Holland  was  named  as  first  governor  of  the  company 
and  his  deputy  was  to  be  elected  annually  in  every 
Easter  term.  A general  court  was  to  be  held  upon  the 
last  Thursday  of  every  term  to  ordain  forms  of  govern- 
ment and  appoint  officers  for  the  company  and  colony, 
while  ordinary  courts  might  be  held  at  any  time.  Men, 
women,  and  children  might  be  transported  to  the  colony 
as  the  company  desired  unless  the  king  should  “expressly 
forbid  any  particular  person  or  persons  to  the  con- 
trary”; the  company  was  to  administer  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy  to  all  persons  passing  to  the 
colony.  These  provisions  as  to  the  government’s  veto 


88 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and  the  oath  of  allegiance  were  quite  usual  and  had  been 
inserted  in  all  grants  since  Gilbert’s  patent  of  1579,  but 
they  are  of  special  interest  when  we  remember  that 
between  1630  and  1640,  contrary  to  earlier  usage,  they 
were  often  put  into  effect,  and  many  ships  conveying 
emigrants  to  America  were  stopped  by  order  of  the 
crown.  The  sole  right  of  trade  within  the  prescribed 
limits  was  granted  to  the  company  upon  the  customary 
conditions  of  paying  a royalty  to  the  crown  of  one-fifth 
of  all  precious  metals  found.  All  persons  resident  or 
born  within  the  limits  of  the  patent  were  to  be  free 
denizens,^^  the  company  might  give  their  officers  the 
right  to  execute  martial  law,  and  the  ordained  magis- 
trates and  judges  were  to  have  full  jurisdiction  of  life 
and  death.  The  company  might  fit  ships  and  furnish 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition  and  were  granted  in 
case  of  attack  power  of  reprisal  upon  their  assailants 
or  any  others  of  the  same  nation,  after  permission  to 
obtain  satisfaction  had  been  granted  by  the  crown.  This 
is  a clause  not  met  with  in  earlier  patents,  but  it  was 
inserted  here  in  view  of  the  colony’s  position  in  the  heart 
of  the  Spanish  Indies  and  the  likelihood  of  attack.  The 
commission  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick  under  which  the 
first  expedition  had  sailed,  having  been  issued  in  time 
of  war,  gave  fuller  powers  of  hostile  action,  but  the 
powers  granted  to  the  company  and  its  servants  were 
quite  wide  enough  to  cover  a good  deal  of  warlike 
activity. 

In  view  of  the  English  political  situation  in  1630, 
perhaps  the  most  interesting  provision  of  the  patent  is 
the  last : ‘ ‘ The  privileges  of  the  Company  shall  be  con- 
firmed by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  if  Parliament  shall 
think  fit  to  agree  to  the  same,  and  the  King  promises  to 


12  No  mention  is  made  of  negroes,  but  it  seems  to  be  understood  that 
“person”  means  “person  of  European  descent.” 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


89 


give  his  assent  to  the  confirming  Act  when  passed.”  A 
similar  clause  had  been  added  to  the  Guiana  patent  of 
1627/®  issued  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  others,  but  it 
was  an  unusual  provision  and  may  have  been  inserted 
because  so  many  of  the  adventurers  of  the  company  had 
been  members  of  parliament.  It  is  at  any  rate  notice- 
able that  such  a clause  should  have  been  inserted  in  an 
official  document  at  a time  when  Charles  I and  his  min- 
isters were  building  up  a system  designed  to  render 
the  crown  independent  of  parliamentary  subsidies  and 
the  accompanying  parliamentary  interference  with  the 
executive  which  they  had  learned  to  expect  and  which 
they  so  detested. 

Even  before  the  issue  of  the  patent  active  preparations 
were  being  made  by  the  company  through  the  deputy- 
governor  for  the  despatch  of  a strong  expedition  to 
Providence.  The  arrangements  for  arming  the  expe- 
dition were  entrusted  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  on 
January  10,  1631,  was  given  permission  by  the  Privy 
Council”  to  purchase  from  the  crown  and  to  ship  to  the 
colony  twenty  pieces  of  ordnance  with  their  carriages 
and  appurtenances  and  one  last  of  powder.  Each 
member  of  the  company  was  urged  at  an  early  court  to 
seek  out  as  many  men  and  boys  as  were  fit  to  be  sent, 
the  numbers  of  which  were  to  be  reported  to  the  deputy, 
who  would  give  them  directions  when  and  where  to 
assemble. 

The  emigrants  were  divided  into  three  classes : 

1.  Labourers,  or,  as  we  shall  afterwards  call  them, 
planters,  who  were  to  cultivate  the  ground,  sharing  the 
profits  of  their  toil  equally  with  the  company. 

2.  Artificers,  also  to  share  their  profits  equally  with 

13  Ealeigh ’s  patent  of  1584  received  parliamentary  confirmation.  Brown, 
I,  13. 

11  Acts  of  Privy  Council,  Colonial,  I,  p.  265. 


90 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  company,  or  else  to  work  solely  for  the  company  and 
be  allowed  meat  and  drink  and  £5  a year  wages. 

3.  Apprentices,  usually  called  servants,  above  four- 
teen years  of  age,  who  entered  into  indentures  for  a term 
of  years  and  were  furnished  meat,  drink,  and  clothes 
during  their  apprenticeship.  If  any  apprentice  had  any 
special  faculty,  he  was  to  be  allowed  a reasonable  recom- 
pense for  its  exercise.  For  the  better  encouragement 
of  the  planters  and  artificers,  apprentices  were  to  be 
allotted  to  them,  their  transportation  and  provisions 
being  paid  for  by  the  company ; this  allotment  of  servants 
was  the  usual  method  adopted  by  the  company  to 
discharge  their  obligations  to  their  officers. 

The  vessel  chartered  for  the  voyage  was  the  Seaflower 
of  two  hundred  tons  burthen,  of  which  John  Dyke  was 
part  owner  and  John  Tanner,  Elfrith’s  fellow  com- 
mander of  the  first  voyage,  was  appointed  master.  Dyke 
had  purchased  a large  magazine  of  commodities  and  laded 
the  Seafloiver  with  them  from  his  warehouses  in  Billiter 
Lane.^®  His  conduct  in  the  matter  was  by  no  means 
irreproachable  and,  when  the  accounts  for  the  voyage 
came  to  be  made  up  on  the  return  of  the  vessel  early  in 
1632,  it  was  found  that  very  high  prices  had  been 
charged.  The  quality  of  the  provisions  for  use  on  the 
voyage  and  of  the  commodities  to  stock  the  company’s 
store  in  the  island,  was  very  inferior  and  the  many 
aspersions  cast  upon  Dyke  in  the  matter,  impugning 
either  his  good  faith  or  his  judgment,  caused  a complete 
breach  between  him  and  the  company  from  which  he  was 
paid  out  in  1632. 

15  Pym  paid  Dyke  various  sums  on  account  as  the  furnishing  went  along. 
A sheet  of  accounts  in  Pym ’s  own  handwriting,  giving  particulars  of  various 
amounts  disbursed,  is  among  the  Bouverie  MSS.  (Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Tenth 
Report,  App’x,  p.  85.)  A copy  of  Purchas’s  Pilgrims  cost  £2-14-6,  and 
six  dozen  catechisms  for  the  plantation  cost  12s. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


91 


The  command  of  the  passengers  in  the  Seaflower  was 
given  to  Capt.  William  Rudyerd,^®  younger  brother  of 
Sir  Benjamin  Rudyerd,  who  had  seen  some  service  in  the 
Low  Countries  and  whose  military  experience  therefore 
recommended  him  to  the  company  for  strengthening  the 
defences  of  the  colony.  The  ninety  passengers  were 
solely  men  and  boys;  a barber  surgeon  was  engaged  to 
look  after  their  health  on  the  voyage  and  to  remain  in 
the  island  on  arrival.  It  had  been  found  impossible  to 
secure  the  services  as  minister  of  the  Mr.  Ward  who  had 
been  asked  for  by  the  emigrants  from  the  Somers  Islands, 
the  company  giving  as  their  reason  that  they  did  not 
wish  the  Somers  Islands  Company  to  think  their  men 
were  being  drawn  away.  Grave,  experienced  ministers, 
it  was  found,  were  reluctant  to  leave  their  wives  and 
children  and  therefore  a young  Welshman,  Lewis 
Morgan,  was  sent  to  care  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the 
colonists.  The  company  recommended  him  as  a very 
sufficient  scholar  for  his  time  and  a studious  and  sober 
man,  but  their  expectations  of  him  were  woefully  dis- 
appointed and  he  proved  a complete  failure.  The 
emigrants  in  general  came  from  localities  where  the 
personal  influence  of  the  adventurers  was  strong,  espe- 
cially from  Essex,  recruited  by  the  Riches  and  Sir 
Thomas  Barrington,  from  Northants,  recruited  by  Mr. 
Knightley,  and  from  Oxfordshire  by  Lord  Saye;  there 
were  also  several  Cornish  and  Devon  men  recruited  by 
Pym.  In  addition  a good  many  Welshmen  went  out 
among  the  earlier  emigrants  and  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  some  of  these  had  been  among  the  earliest  sufferers 
from  Laud’s  repressive  ecclesiastical  policy.’^ 

18  For  Eudyerd  Pedigree  see  Harl.  Soe.,  Visit,  of  London,  II,  215.  For 
some  unexplamed  reason  Eudyerd  did  not  sail  in  the  Seaflower,  but  went  out 
in  the  Little  Hopewell,  in  July,  1631. 

11  Laud  was  Bishop  of  St.  David’s  from  1621  to  1628,  when  he  was 
translated  to  Bath  and  Wells. 


92 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Discussions  went  on  through  December  and  January, 
1631,  as  to  the  form  of  government  to  be  established  and 
the  lines  to  be  laid  down  for  the  development  of  the 
colony.  The  conclusions  come  to  were  embodied  in  a 
series  of  instructions  in  thirty-five  articles  forwarded 
to  the  governor  and  council,  and  in  a very  long  letter 
addressed  to  Grov.  Bell  personally.  The  government  of 
the  island  was  entrusted  to  the  governor  and  a council 
of  six  members  nominated  by  the  company.  The  gov- 
ernor was  to  take  serious  measures  only  in  consultation 
with  the  council,  save  in  cases  where  explicit  instructions 
had  been  received  from  England.  The  council  had  power 
to  initiate  measures,  but  over  these  the  governor  pos- 
sessed an  absolute  power  of  veto,  though  in  all  cases  of 
such  veto  he  was  to  notify  the  company  in  England  of 
the  facts  of  the  case  at  the  first  opportunity.  This  con- 
stitution was  similar  to  that  in  force  in  Virginia  during 
the  later  years  of  corporate  control  and  was  regarded 
as  the  most  suitable  form  of  government  for  an  infant 
colony.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  and  Warwick  had  vivid 
recollections  of  the  early  difficulties  of  Virginia  under 
her  first  charter,  when  it  was  only  by  chance  that  Capt. 
John  Smith  had  been  able  to  make  himself  supreme  and 
save  the  colony  in  spite  of  the  members  of  his  council.^® 
The  elective  element  was  probably  considered  unsuitable 
in  the  council  for  the  first  few  years,  in  view  of  the  con- 
tinual discord  that  existed  in  the  elected  Bermuda 
assembly,  but  that  there  was  no  general  objection  to 
the  elective  principle  in  colonial  government  is  plain 
from  the  company’s  resort  to  it  in  Tortuga  in  1635. 

The  governor  and  council  were  constituted  the  supreme 
judicial  tribunal  in  all  cases,  civil  and  criminal,  but  all 
cases  of  importance  were  to  be  proceeded  in  by  way  of 
jury  empanelled  from  the  planters.  Oaths  were  pre- 

1*  If  one  view  of  a much-debated  ease  is  to  be  trusted. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


93 


scribed  to  be  taken  by  the  governor,  the  council,  and 
every  planter  over  the  age  of  sixteen;  the  governor’s 
oath  fills  thirty  closely  written  lines  in  the  journal  and 
abounds  in  scriptural  quotations  and  phrases;  extreme 
hostility  to  the  Roman  Church  is  expressed,  but  no  men- 
tion whatever  is  made  of  the  Church  of  England,  which 
is  also  tacitly  ignored  in  the  planter’s  oath,  another 
form  of  great  length.  The  question  as  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  first  governor  had  much  exercised  the  minds 
of  the  company  at  one  of  their  earliest  meetings ; it  had 
been  suggested  that  the  government  should  be  vested 
jointly  in  Elfrith  and  Bell,  but  as  it  was  feared  that  this 
might  lead  to  friction,  the  decision  was  reached  that 
Elfrith  should  be  sole  governor  till  his  return  from  the 
colony.  On  hearing  of  this  decision,  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, who  had  been  absent  from  the  meeting,  intimated 
that  Elfrith  had  expressed  his  content  if  the  government 
were  conferred  on  his  son-in-law  Bell,  solely,  as  better 
qualified  by  his  experience  in  the  government  of  the 
Somers  Islands,  and  as  he  (Elfrith)  might  often  be 
absent  from  the  island  on  the  company’s  business.  This 
of  course  clinched  the  matter  and  Bell’s  commission  was 
signed  and  sealed  on  February  7,  1631. 

Capt.  Philip  Bell  was  the  younger  brother  of  Robert 
Bell,  a prominent  London  merchant  and  member  of  the 
common  council  for  Lime  Street  Ward.  Robert  Bell  was 
deeply  interested  in  colonial  enterprise  and  had  been  one 
of  the  most  successful  factors  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany; he  was  a member  of  the  Northwest  Passage  Com- 
pany and  one  of  the  commissioners  for  regulating  the 
affairs  of  Virginia  in  1624.  Philip  Bell  became  a member 
of  the  Somers  Islands  Company  in  1624^*  and  his  ac- 
quaintance with  Dyke,  then  deputy-governor  of  the  com- 
pany, recommended  him  for  the  governorship  of  the 

19  Lefroy,  Mem.  of  Bermudas,  I,  375. 


94 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


islands  in  1626  when  Woodhouse  had  to  be  superseded. 
He  left  England  for  Bermuda  in  September,  1626,  and 
took  his  seat  as  governor  at  the  council  table  for  the  first 
time  on  February  16, 1627,^®  being  then  about  thirty  years 
of  age.*^  Bell’s  governorship  of  Bermuda  was  unmarked 
by  any  special  incident,  but  he  had  considerable  difficulty 
in  quelling  a dispute  between  rival  ministers  and  only 
succeeded  in  procuring  peace  by  prohibiting  all  vestry 
meetings  in  the  islands.^'  That  his  stay  in  Bermuda  was 
not  entirely  happy,  we  have  noted  in  an  earlier  chapter, 
but  Bell  must  have  acquired  a large  amount  of  expe- 
rience in  dealing  with  cantankerous  councillors  and 
discontented  planters. 

Capt.  Daniel  Elfrith  was  appointed  admiral  of  the 
island  and  next  in  precedence  to  the  governor,  while  the 
members  of  the  first  council  were  Capt.  Samuel  Axe  and 
Lieut.  Hugh  Price,  resident  in  the  island,  and  Capt. 
William  Rudyerd,  William  Rous,  and  John  Hunt,  who 
were  to  go  out  in  the  Seaflower.^^  William  Rous  owed 
his  appointment  to  his  kinship  with  Pjun,  being  the  eldest 
grandson  of  Sir  Anthony  Rous  of  Halton  St.  Dominick. 
He  had  married  Maria,  elder  sister  of  John  Robartes,^* 
and  we  shall  find  him  plajung  an  important  part  in  the 
island’s  affairs.  John  Hunt  was  appointed  secretary 
of  the  council,  Roger  Floud,  sheriff,  and  Thomas  Fitch 
and  Thomas  Jenks,  clerks  of  the  company’s  stores.  The 
dignity  of  the  governor  and  council  was  jealously 

20  Ibid.,  I,  409. 

21  Ligon  (Hist,  of  Barbadoes,  p.  24)  visited  Bell  as  governor  of  Bar- 
badoes  in  1647  and  describes  him  then  as  a feeble  old  man.  His  will  and 
that  of  his  wife  have  been  found  by  Mr.  N.  Darnall  Davis,  the  author  of 
Cavaliers  and  Eoundheads  in  Barbadoes,  who  believes  that  the  Philip  Bell 
mentioned  in  1669  (Acts  of  Privy  Council,  Col.,  I,  506)  was  a nephew. 

22  Lefroy,  Mem.  of  Bermudas,  I,  469. 

23  Went  out  in  Little  Hopewell  in  July,  1631. 

24  Harl.  Soc.,  Visit,  of  Cornwall,  p.  195. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


95 


regarded  by  the  company,  who  forwarded  a tipstaff  or 
mace  to  be  the  ensign  of  government  and  thus  described 
it : “On  the  one  end  upon  a plate  of  silver  is  a portray- 
ment  of  the  seal  of  the  Company,  viz.  three  islands  and 
the  words  written  about  it,  ‘Legem  ejus  expectabunt/ 
taken  out  of  Isaiah,  42.,  4,  ‘The  islands  shall  wait  for  his 
law,’  which  prophecy  we  hope  may  in  some  sort  be  ful- 
filled by  planting  the  Gospel  in  those  islands.  On  the 
end  of  the  staff  upon  a plate  likewise  of  silver  are 
engrossed  these  words  ‘Innocens  liberahit  insulam,’ 
taken  out  of  Job,  22,  30,  ‘The  innocent  shall  deliver  or 
preserve  the  island,’  a good  memento  at  all  times  when 
we  go  to  God’s  house  or  to  places  of  counsel  and 
judicature.  ’ ’ 

Minute  directions  were  given  as  to  the  ecclesiastical 
arrangements  of  the  island.  Two  parsonage  houses  were 
built,  one  near  the  harbour  and  the  other  on  the  south- 
west shore;  the  minister,  while  he  continued  single,  was 
to  be  lodged  and  dieted  in  the  governor’s  house  in  order 
to  make  the  governor’s  family  an  example  to  the  rest 
of  the  island.  He  was  to  administer  the  sacrament 
monthly,  and  the  company,  with  the  state  of  religious 
affairs  in  England  in  their  minds,  summed  up  their 
desires  for  his  success  by  saying:  “We  pray  you  to 

give  him  all  the  encouragement  you  can,  for  our  sincere 
aim  and  desire  above  all  things  is  to  plant  the  true  and 
sincere  Religion  and  worship  of  God,  which  in  the 
Christian  world  is  now  very  much  opposed.” 

The  peace  with  Spain,  concluded  at  Madrid  on  Novem- 
ber 5,  1630,  had  been  proclaimed  in  England  on  the  fifth 
of  December,^®  and  its  particulars  were  conveyed  by  the 
company  to  the  governor  and  council.  They  added, 
however:  “It  seems  there  is  no  peace  between  us  [and 

Howe’s  Continuation  of  Stowe’s  Annals,  p.  1046.  Jolm  Humphry  to 
John  Winthrop,  Maas.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VI,  15. 


96 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  Spaniards]  in  the  latitude  where  you  are,  and  there- 
fore you  must  be  careful  and  vigilant  to  prevent  their 
attempts,  as  ever.’'  Even  at  the  present  day  the  great 
body  of  rules  and  understandings,  that  we  call  inter- 
national law,  has  at  times  of  crisis  very  little  force  to 
restrain  the  proceedings  of  belligerent  nations  and  it  is 
still  hard  to  determine  exactly  when  a state  of  war  begins 
and  when  it  ends.  In  the  seventeenth  century  outside 
the  limits  of  western  Europe  even  the  rudimentary  inter- 
national law  of  the  time  did  not  exist,  and  it  was  almost 
a recognized  maxim  that  there  was  “No  peace  beyond 
the  line.”  The  Providence  Company  were  quite  right 
in  assuming  that  the  treaty  would  do  little  to  bring  to 
an  end  the  chronic  state  of  war  in  the  Indies,  and  more 
than  forty  years  were  to  elapse  before  it  was  possible 
for  England  and  Spain  to  agree  upon  a treaty  of  peace 
for  their  American  possessions  which  should  outlaw  the 
disturbers  of  it  and  brand  as  pirates  those  who  under- 
took belligerent  acts  in  the  western  seas.  To  preserve 
the  semblance  of  peace  as  long  as  possible  the  colonists 
were  cautioned  against  taking  the  offensive  against  the 
Spaniards,  but  in  order  to  be  prepared  to  repel  attack, 
the  greatest  efforts  were  to  be  devoted  to  fortification. 
Capt.  Axe  was  to  be  maintained  in  command  of  Warwick 
Fort,  already  built,  and  a new  fort,  called  Fort  Henry, 
was  to  be  erected  to  command  the  watering  place  in  the 
southwest  of  the  island  and  the  approach  to  the  southern 
entrance  of  the  harbour ; of  this  fort  Capt.  Rudyerd  was 
appointed  commander  and  he  was  also  to  act  as  muster 
master  general  of  the  island.  Another  fort,  afterwards 
called  Harley’s  Fort,  was  to  be  built  upon  the  peninsula 
upon  which  Warwick  Fort  stood,  but  more  to  the  east- 
ward, so  that  the  enemy’s  approach  to  the  harbour  might 
be  further  barred.  These  directions  were  improved 
upon  by  Bell  and  his  council  and  a fourth  important 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


97 


fort,  called  Black  Rock  Fort,  was  built  on  Black  Point 
and  completely  guarded  the  harbour’s  southern  entrance. 
A private  signal  was  to  be  arranged  to  guard  against 
dangerous  admittances;  when  the  approach  of  any  un- 
known ship  was  signalled  from  the  lookout  station  on 
The  Mound,  the  forts  were  to  be  manned  and  all  precau- 
tions taken.  With  regard  to  the  Dutchmen  in  the  island 
the  company  advised  caution.  Although  the  English  and 
Dutch  in  the  West  Indies  were  still  closely  allied  in  their 
common  hostility  to  Spain,  there  were  signs  that  their 
ways  were  beginning  to  diverge,  and  the  English  were 
becoming  jealous  of  the  greater  success  of  the  Dutch, 
who,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  recently  captured  the 
great  prize  of  the  Plate  Fleet^®  and  were  engaged  in 
building  up  an  empire  in  Brazil.  “We  desire,”  wrote 
the  company,  ‘ ‘ that  the  Dutchmen  that  are  with  you,  may 
be  very  well  respected  that  they  may  have  no  cause  of 
complaint  to  us  or  their  friends.  We  give  you  power  to 
yield  them  such  contentment  as  you,  yourself,  shall  think 
reasonable : yet  be  careful  that  you  give  them  no  interest 
in  any  land  whatsoever,  otherwise  than  as  occupiers  and 
manurers.  And,  being  of  another  nation,  you  will  do 
well  to  have  a care  what  letters  they  send  out  of  the 
island.” 

Full  directions  as  to  the  social  organisation  of  the 
plantation  were  given  by  the  company.  The  freemen 
without  servants  were  to  be  distributed  into  families  of 
at  least  six  or  seven  persons;  of  these  one  was  to  be 
chief  and  was  to  take  special  care  “that  he  with  his 
whole  family,  besides  public  duties,  do  daily,  morning 
and  evening,  pray  together  unto  God  that  his  blessing 
may  be  upon  them  and  the  whole  island.”  Freemen 
were  to  be  allowed  to  choose  their  own  partners,  but 
stores  were  only  to  be  delivered  out  of  the  company’s 

26  Under  Admiral  Piet  Hein,  8 September,  1628. 


98 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


magazine  to  the  chief  of  the  family,  who  must  give 
security  to  pay  for  them  out  of  the  produce  of  his  and 
his  fellows’  plantations.  The  members  of  the  family 
were  to  be  responsible  for  one  another’s  good  behaviour, 
a device  that  was  a favourite  one  with  the  colonial 
organisers  of  the  early  seventeenth  century;  it  had  been 
tried  without  much  success  in  the  early  years  of  Vir- 
ginia^’ and  had  been  prescribed  by  the  Massachusetts 
Company  to  Endecott  for  adoption  by  the  servants  sent 
out  by  the  company  under  his  charge.^®  Neither  in 
Massachusetts  nor  in  Providence  did  the  prescribed 
system  meet  with  any  measure  of  success.  Within  a 
couple  of  years  in  Providence  it  had  fallen  into  compara- 
tive disuse  and  had  been  superseded  by  the  ordinary 
plantation  system.  The  first  planters,  who  had  chosen 
their  own  ground  and  had  been  tilling  it  for  a year  past, 
were  not  to  be  dispossessed,  but  the  company  would  not 
allow  them  the  whole  profit  of  the  tobacco  they  had 
raised.  The  system  of  half-profits  that  had  caused  so 
much  discontent  among  the  Bermuda  planters  was  still 
retained,  and  the  company  divided  their  share  of  the  first 
year’s  tobacco  that  was  to  be  returned  by  the  Seaflower 
between  Elfrith,  who  received  three-fifths  of  it,  and  Axe 
who  had  two-fifths,  an  arrangement  that  produced  con- 
siderable bickering  and  left  a lasting  breach  between  the 
two  men.  The  planters  were  specially  cautioned  against 
falling  into  the  error  that  had  so  nearly  brought  Virginia 
to  ruin  in  its  early  years,  and  every  family  was  directed 
to  plant  twice  as  much  corn  as  would  feed  its  members. 
Excess  of  tobacco  planting  was  strictly  prohibited  and 
liberal  rewards  were  promised  to  any  who  would  intro- 
duce a staple  commodity  suitable  for  growth  in  the  island. 
Elfrith  was  directed  to  sail  in  his  pinnace  to  other  West 

27  Bruce,  Economic  History  of  Virginia. 

28  Doyle,  Puritan  Colonies,  I,  95. 


SAYBROOK  AND  PROVIDENCE 


99 


Indian  islands,  Spanish,  English,  or  Dutch,  in  search  of 
such  a commodity,  and  of  sugar-canes,  figs,  oranges, 
and  other  fruit  trees  for  the  island’s  benefit.  Unfor- 
tunately Elfrith’s  partiality  for  roving  did  not  permit 
him  so  peaceful  a voyage  and  his  journey  developed  into 
a mere  piratical  cruise,  for  which  he  had  to  be  severely 
reprimanded  by  the  company. 

The  apprentices  or  servants  sent  out  to  Providence 
were  of  quite  a different  class  to  the  criminals  sent  to 
Maryland  and  Virginia  and  the  youths  decoyed  and 
deported  to  Barbadoes  in  later  years.  Many  of  them 
were  young  men  of  a fairly  good  social  class,  who  looked 
forward  to  making  a career  for  themselves  and  had 
emigrated  in  hopes  of  receiving  at  the  end  of  their  two 
or  three  years’  indentures  servants  of  their  own.  Many 
of  the  men  sent  were  specially  recommended  to  the 
officers  and  notably  one,  Pearsall,  kinsman  and  late 
servant  to  Sir  Edmond  Moundeford,  and  Ralph  Walcott, 
a near  relative  of  Lord  Brooke,  who,  during  his  inden- 
tures, was  to  serve  the  minister.  The  system  in  its 
inception,  therefore,  was  by  no  means  the  oppressive  one 
that  it  afterwards  became  in  the  colonies;  a servant’s 
lot  in  Providence  was  by  no  means  easy,  but  if  it  were, 
as  unfortunately  it  often  was,  but  a form  of  slavery, 
this  was  not  the  intention  of  its  organisers,  who  had 
simply  modelled  it  upon  the  apprenticeship  system  then 
universally  in  use  in  England,  but  who  had  not  yet 
learned  the  impossibility  for  white  men  of  hard  field 
labour  in  a tropical  climate. 

The  total  number  of  passengers  in  the  Seaflower,  the 
vessel  that  was  to  convey  the  first  emigrants  from  Eng- 
land to  Providence,  was  ninety  and  the  vessel  set  sail 
from  the  Thames  in  the  third  week  of  February,  1631. 
Her  voyage  must  have  been  a terrible  one  for  her  pas- 
sengers; the  provisions  supplied  by  Dyke  proved  very 


100 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


bad,  the  bread  was  mouldy  and  the  beer  sour,  and  not 
merely  was  the  quality  poor,  but  the  master,  John 
Tanner,  who  owned  a share  in  the  ship,  refused  the 
passengers  sufficient  rations  and  kept  a large  quantity 
of  provisions  for  private  sale  on  reaching  the  island. 
On  her  voyage  the  vessel  touched  at  Bermuda  and  took 
on  board  a few  of  Elfrith’s  adherents,  who  had  been  left 
behind  in  1630.  Providence  was  reached  about  the  end 
of  May,  1631,  the  governor’s  instructions  were  delivered, 
the  surviving  passengers  landed,  and  the  full  life  of  the 
colony  definitely  opened. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  PLANTING  OF  TORTUGA  (ASSOCIATION) 
AND  TROUBLES  IN  PROVIDENCE 

In  our  preliminary  survey  of  West  Indian  history  we 
showed  that  St.  Christopher  was  planted  by  Capt. 
Thomas  Warner  in  1623,  and  that  after  a few  initial 
difficulties  a stable  colony  had  been  established,  which 
from  1626  onwards  was  taken  under  the  protection  of 
James  Hay,  Earl  of  Carlisle.  In  the  spring  of  1623  a 
young  shipmaster,  Anthony  Hilton  by  name,^  born  and 
brought  up  in  the  bishopric  of  Durham,  w^as  employed 
by  certain  merchants  of  Barnstaple  in  a voyage  to  North 
Virginia  for  the  fur  trade  and  for  the  exploration  of 
the  Hudson  River^  in  the  hope  of  discovering  the  North- 
west Passage  before  the  Dutch,  who  were  just  beginning 
to  undertake  the  settlement  of  Manhattan  in  earnest. 
Sailing  by  the  usual  outward  course  via  the  West  Indies, 
which  had  not  yet  been  abandoned  in  favour  of  Argali’s 
more  northerly  route,  Hilton  touched  at  St.  Christopher 

1 The  account  here  given  is  based  upon  that  given  in  1675  of  the  settling 
of  St.  Christopher  and  Nevis  by  John  Hilton,  the  aged  store-keeper  of  Nevis, 
younger  brother  of  Anthony  Hilton.  The  account  was  despatched  to  Eng- 
land to  be  used  in  the  negotiations  with  France  concerning  the  islands  and 
thus  came  into  the  possession  of  Thomas  Povey,  among  whose  papers  it  is 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (Eg.,  2395,  fo.  503).  It  agrees  with  the 
account  published  by  Capt.  John  Smith  in  1629  {Works,  p.  903),  and,  where 
capable  of  verification,  with  the  extant  letters  from  the  islands.  It  seems 
right,  therefore,  that  credence  should  be  attached  to  Hilton’s  statements, 
but  his  chronology  needs  some  slight  emendation. 

2 We  learn  this  from  a letter  written  by  Hilton  to  his  mother  from  on 
board  ship  at  the  commencement  of  the  voyage.  May  4,  1623.  The  letter 
is  extant  among  the  Manchester  Papers.  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Eighth  Eeport, 
p.  47,  No.  364. 


102 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and  there  made  the  acquaintance  of  Capt.  Warner.  He 
was  much  struck  with  the  possibilities  of  the  island  for 
tobacco  growing  and,  on  his  return  from  America  after 
the  failure  of  the  Hudson  River  project,  imparted  his 
design  for  planting  there  to  certain  Irish  gentlemen,  who 
proved  willing  to  finance  him.  Resigning  his  employ- 
ment with  the  Barnstaple  merchants,  he  again  set  sail 
for  St.  Christopher  with  a few  followers  and,  arriving 
safe,  was  granted  by  Warner  a plantation  on  the  wind- 
ward side  of  the  island,  wdiere  he  was  the  first  to  settle. 
St.  Christopher  was  not  yet  free  from  Carib  raids  and 
Hilton’s  first  plantation  was  soon  destroyed.  He  man- 
aged to  escape,  however,  and,  clearing  another  plantation 
on  the  leeward  side,  raised  there  a good  crop  of  tobacco 
and  returned  with  it  in  the  autumn  of  1627  to  Ireland, 
where  it  was  disposed  of  to  good  advantage. 

The  experience  Hilton  had  had,  determined  him  that 
he  would  do  better  to  plant  another  island  rather  than 
remain  in  St.  Christopher;  he  obtained  financial  aid, 
therefore,  from  a London  merchant,  Thomas  Littleton, 
and  having  procured  a patent  from  the  Earl  of  Carlisle, 
attempted  to  settle  upon  the  island  of  Barbuda,®  but  as 
he  and  his  associates  found  that  island  very  barren  and 
were  also  dissatisfied  with  Antigua  and  Montserrat,  they 
ultimately  decided  to  plant  the  small  island  of  Nevis, 
where  they  landed  on  July  22,  1628.  Other  planters 
were  attracted  from  St.  Christopher  and  by  the  end  of 
the  year  nearly  a hundred  and  fifty  persons  were 
assembled  in  the  island  under  the  governorship  of 
Anthony  Hilton.  Warner  returned  to  England  from 
St.  Christopher  towards  the  end  of  1628,  leaving  as  his 
deputy  in  the  island  one  Aston,  a personal  enemy  of 
Hilton’s;  matters  did  not  long  remain  on  a peaceful 
footing  and  on  an  accusation  that  Aston  had  attempted 

3 Smith,  p.  910. 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


103 


to  suborn  one  of  his  servants  to  murder  him  while  on 
a visit  to  St.  Christopher,  Hilton  took  up  arms  in  his 
defence.  Before  open  hostilities  took  place,  however, 
a great  English  ship  coming  into  the  harbour,  Hilton 
took  refuge  on  board  and  returned  to  Nevis.  The  news 
of  the  tumult  reaching  England,  Lord  Carlisle  deter- 
mined that  Hilton  was  an  unsuitable  person  for  governor 
and  that  it  would  be  well  to  remove  him  and  replace 
him  by  one  of  his  OAvn  kinsmen.  Before  the  design  could 
be  carried  out  by  the  earl’s  commissioners  despatched 
from  England,  Hilton  got  wind  of  it  and  fled  in  a small 
west  country  ship  then  loading  tobacco  in  Nevis  harbour.* 
Arrived  in  England,  Hilton  attempted  to  make  his  peace 
with  Carlisle,  but  wdthin  a very  short  time  news  arrived 
that  both  St.  Christopher  and  Nevis  had  been  taken  by 
a Spanish  fleet  on  September  7,  1629,  and  the  inhabitants, 
both  French  and  English,  expelled,  though  some  had 
escaped  to  the  mountains  and  others  had  taken  refuge  on 
adjacent  uninhabited  islands.  On  the  retirement  of 
the  Spanish  armada,  these  fugitives  returned  and  a 
provisional  government  was  again  established  in  the 
islands. 

Sir  Thomas  Warner,  now  knighted  for  his  services, 
returned  to  St.  Christopher  early  in  1630  with  further 
colonists,  but  Hilton  had  got  into  difficulties  with  Littleton 
over  financial  matters  and  only  returned  to  Nevis  to 
gather  round  him  a few  personal  adherents  of  both 
nationalities  and  to  migrate  from  the  island  to  a fresh 
home.  There  are  reasons  to  suppose  that  Hilton’s 
acquaintance  among  the  rovers  of  all  nationalities  was 
more  extensive  and  peculiar  than  was  fitting  even  in  those 
days  of  laxity.  His  knowledge  of  the  rovers’  resorts  led 
him  to  fix  for  his  new  place  of  settlement  upon  the  island 
of  Tortuga  off  the  north  coast  of  Hispaniola  and  only  a 

* August,  1629. 


104 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


few  miles  away  from  the  opening  of  the  Windward 
Passage. 

This  island  was  far  removed  from  any  of  the  Spanish 
settlements  in  Hispaniola  and  had  long  been  used  by 
rovers  of  all  nationalities  as  a resort  where  they  might 
replenish  their  victuals  and  refit  their  ships.  It  was 
especially  a resort  for  French  rovers  and  since  the 
mountains  in  the  centre  of  the  island  abounded  in  wild 
hogs,  fresh  meat  could  always  be  obtained.  According 
to  De  Laet,®  the  French  and  Dutch  obtained  large  sup- 
plies there  and  were  accustomed  to  call  Tortuga  “LTsle 
des  Porceaux.”  Only  a narrow  strait,  some  two  miles 
wide,  separates  Tortuga  from  Hispaniola,  in  the  forests 
covering  the  northern  shore  of  which  great  herds  of 
cattle  then  ran  wild.  Upon  the  shores  of  Cape  San 
Nicolas,  some  forty  miles  away,  a few  Dutchmen  had 
established  themselves  and  were  engaged  in  making  salt 
and  curing  the  flesh  of  the  cattle  they  slew  in  the  forests.® 

Hilton’s  colonists,  finding  Tortuga  much  to  their 
liking,  resolved  to  make  it  their  permanent  home  and 
despatched  some  of  their  number  to  England  to  secure 
financial  assistance  and  supplies.  They  succeeded  in 
interesting  in  their  case  Dr.  Samuel  Rand,^  a doctor  of 
physic  well  known  in  the  City  of  London,  and  J ohn  Hart, 
a colonial  merchant  of  the  second  rank;  finding,  how- 
ever, that  more  powerful  assistance  would  be  needed 
before  they  could  obtain  from  the  crown  the  loan  of  the 
ordnance  they  required,  in  the  middle  of  May,  1631,  they 
got  into  touch  with  the  Providence  Company  and  sug- 
gested that  an  arrangement  should  be  come  to  for  mutual 
benefit.  The  idea  was  well  received  by  the  company,  and 

5 De  Laet,  J.,  Novus  OrMs,  French  translation,  1640,  p.  13. 

6 Hence  according  to  the  accepted  explanation  derived  from  Du  Tertre, 
1654  (III,  141),  the  term  “buccaneers”  from  boucan — dried  meat. 

7 Harl  Soc.,  Visit,  of  London,  II,  184. 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


105 


a committee,  consisting  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  P>mi, 
Dyke,  Barber,  and  Graunt,  was  appointed  to  carry  on 
the  negotiations ; by  the  end  of  May,  1631,  terms  satis- 
factory to  both  sides  had  been  agreed  upon  and  the 
planters  were  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company.  The  Tortuga  adventurers, — Capt. 
Anthony  Hilton,  Capt.  Christopher  Wormeley,  and 
Capt.  Richard  Bragg,  resident  in  Tortuga,  Robert 
Wormeley,  who  was  going  there.  Dr.  Samuel  Rand,  and 
John  Hart, — were  to  be  permitted  to  join  the  Providence 
Company  so  far  as  it  concerned  itself  in  Tortuga ; the 
fee-simple  of  the  island  was  vested  in  the  company,  who 
were  to  receive  twenty  per  cent  of  all  future  commodities 
raised  by  the  Tortuga  planters,  but  who  took  no  respon- 
sibility for  past  expenses.  Each  member  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company  contributed  £70  and  each  Tortuga 
adventurer  £40,  towards  the  cost  of  a first  magazine  for 
the  island,  and  it  was  resolved  to  send  six  pieces  of 
ordnance  with  the  necessary  ammunition  for  purposes 
of  fortification. 

The  northern  limits  of  the  first  patent  of  the  Provi- 
dence Companj",  20°  N.  lat.,  were  such  as  just  to  exclude 
Tortuga,  which  lies  in  lat.  20°  4'  N.  A petition  was, 
therefore,  prepared  and  presented  to  the  king  by  the 
Earl  of  Holland,  praying  for  the  enlargement  of  the 
company’s  grant  to  include  Tortuga  and  all  other  un- 
occupied islands  lying  within  three  or  four  degrees  of 
their  former  grant.  On  June  17,  1631,  a grant®  was 
accordingly  issued  extending  the  limits  of  the  company’s 
rights  to  all  islands  lying  between  six  and  twenty-four 
degrees  from  the  equinoctial  line  in  north  latitude  and 
between  the  degrees  of  longitude  of  the  earlier  grant 
(290°-310°)  so  that  these  islands  were  not  in  the  actual 

8 C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  17  June,  1631.  A copy  of  the  enlarged  grant  in  Jessop’s 
writing  is  extant  among  the  Sloane  MSS.  (Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane,  973.) 


106 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


possession  of  any  other  Christian  prince  nor  were 
formerly  granted  to  any  of  his  Majesty’s  subjects.  This 
enlarged  grant  immensely  extended  the  company’s 
opportunities,  for  the  parallel  of  24°  N.  passes  through 
the  Florida  Channel  and  the  Bahamas,  while  6°  N.  runs 
well  to  the  southward  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  and 
the  whole  of  the  central  portion  of  the  West  Indies  was, 
therefore,  claimed  as  a field  for  English  colonisation 
after  the  light-hearted  manner  of  the  time. 

A large  amount  of  discussion  took  place  concerning 
the  despatch  of  the  required  supplies,  and  it  was 
strongly  suggested  that  it  would  be  well  to  undertake 
nothing  until  the  spring  of  1632,  when  the  prevalence 
of  the  “norths”®  would  keep  the  Spanish  fleets  in  port 
and  the  company’s  vessel  might  reach  Tortuga  in  safety. 
In  the  end,  however,  the  urgent  need  of  the  colonists  for 
an  immediate  supply  prevailed  and  directions  were 
given  to  Hart,  who  had  been  engaged  as  the  company’s 
factor  or  “husband,”  to  charter  a small  vessel  for  a 
voyage  of  seven  or  eight  months.  He  secured  the  Little 
Hopewell,  a small  vessel  of  some  sixty  tons  mth  seven 
guns,  at  the  rate  of  £32  a month,  the  owners  being  also 
allowed  the  free  freight  of  twelve  cwt.  of  tobacco. 
Matthew  Harbottle,  who  had  already  served  the  company 
in  the  first  voyage,  was  appointed  master  at  the  rate 
of  £4  per  month,  a rate  of  pay  somewhat  higher  than 
that  usual  in  the  royal  navy  of  the  period.’®  It  was 
decided,  owing  to  the  difficulty  that  would  be  experienced 
in  raising  any  considerable  number  of  servants  in  such 
a time  of  good  employment,”  that  it  would  be  better  to 

9 Storms  and  north  winds  prevailing  during  the  months  of  December, 
January,  and  February.  The  large  Spanish  war  vessels  were  very  unsea- 
worthy and  remained  in  port  during  the  winter. 

10  Clowes,  The  Royal  Navy,  II,  13. 

11  1630  had  been  a year  of  plague  and  scarcity;  1631,  as  we  see  from 
this  entry  in  the  records,  was,  on  the  contrary,  prosperous. 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


107 


postpone  the  sending  of  many  men  from  England  and  to 
trust  to  recruiting  men  for  the  colony  in  the  AVest  Indies. 
Many  of  the  English  plantations  in  the  Caribbees  and 
notably  Nevis,  the  company  heard,  were  in  a bad  way 
and  were  likely  to  dissolve,  so  that  the  new  plantation 
if  it  offered  good  prospects  would  probably  attract 
those  who  deserted,  and  by  this  means  its  strength  might 
be  rapidly  increased. 

The  government  of  the  island  was  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Capt.  Anthony  Hilton,  who  was  to  be  succeeded  in 
ease  of  death  by  Capt.  Christopher  Wormeley;  a council 
of  six  persons  was  nominated,  and  Anthony  Roberts  was 
sent  out  from  England  as  clerk  of  stores  in  charge  of 
the  magazine.  Careful  directions  were  drawn  up  for 
the  fortification  of  the  harbour,  which  lay  on  the  shore 
nearest  Hispaniola,  and,  to  mark  the  change  in  the  status 
of  the  island,  it  was  resolved  that  its  name  should  be 
changed  and  that  it  should  henceforward  be  called  the 
“Island  of  Association.”  It  was  not  expected  that  the 
prosperity  of  the  new  colony  would  depend  mainly  upon 
the  planting  of  such  commodities  as  tobacco  and  cotton, 
which  were  looked  to  in  Providence,  but  it  was  hoped 
that  a large  revenue  would  be  derived  from  the  export 
of  the  dye-woods  growing  in  the  forests  that  covered  the 
island.  The  introduction  into  Europe  of  new  dyeing 
materials  had  been  a noticeable  result  of  the  opening-up 
of  the  AVest  Indian  trade  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Among  the  most  important  of  these 
dyes  were  the  red  dyes  derived  from  various  woods, 
known  as  logwood,  Brazil  or  braziletta  wood,  and  Cam- 
peachy  wood,  the  best  qualities  of  which  grew  on  the 
shores  of  Yucatan,  but  which  were  also  plentiful  in  many 
of  the  Caribbees.  Perhaps  one  of  the  most  potent  induce- 
ments to  the  Providence  Company  to  aid  the  Tortuga 
adventurers,  was  the  fact  that  large  quantities  of  these 


108 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


valuable  woods  might  be  cut  and  exported  from  the 
island,  and  one  of  the  cardinal  provisions  of  the  original 
agreement  was  that  no  merchantable  wood  was  to  be  cut 
in  the  island  but  under  license  from  the  company,  who 
were  to  receive  one-fifth  of  the  proceeds.  Unfortunately, 
however,  stringent  legal  enactments'^  were  in  force  in 
England  against  the  importation  of  these  woods,  which 
had  been  fraudulently  used  by  dyers  and  did  not  in  their 
hands  produce  fast  colours.  It  was  necessary,  there- 
fore, to  carry  the  wood  to  France  or  Holland,  where  the 
use  was  permitted,  and  this  rendered  the  restriction  of 
cutting  to  the  company’s  licensees  incapable  of  enforce- 
ment, and  the  difficulties  with  which  the  colony  of  Asso- 
ciation had  to  contend  from  the  beginning  were  due  to 
the  cutting  of  wood  by  interlopers  with  the  connivance 
of  the  company’s  officers. 

The  Little  Hopewell  was  got  ready  for  sea  by  the 
middle  of  July,  1631,  and,  after  embarking  her  passengers 
and  goods,  saile<l  from  the  Thames  on  July  23.  Her 
master  had  received  directions  that,  after  landing  the 
magazine  and  ordnance  at  Association,  he  was  to  proceed 
to  Providence,  there  to  deliver  a letter  for  the  governor 
and  council  and  to  land  Rudyerd  and  Rous,  who  had  not 
sailed  in  the  Seaflower  as  originally  intended.  The 
master  was  to  carry  from  Association  to  Providence 
any  surplus  corn  that  was  available  and  on  his  return 
voyage  was  to  lade  with  tobacco  and  wood  at  Associa- 
tion, which  cargo  he  was  to  bring  to  Europe.  The 
voyage  was  successfully  prosecuted  along  these  lines  and 
the  Little  Hopewell  returned  to  England  on  April  20, 
1632.  What  happened  to  her  cargo  of  wood  does  not 
appear,  but  the  presumption  is  that  by  the  connivance 

12  23  Eliz.,  cap.  9.  Continual  attempts  to  smuggle  the  prohibited  dyes  into 
England  were  being  made,  and  the  lucrative  patent  place  of  searcher  for 
prohibited  dye-stuff  was  much  sought  after.  See  C.  S.  P.  Pom. 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


109 


of  the  Earl  of  Ancram,  who  was  then  patentee  for 
logwood,  it  was  quietly  smuggled  into  England  and 
disposed  of. 

Further  emigrants  to  Association  were  despatched  by 
the  Charity  in  May,  1632,  under  the  lead  of  Samuel 
Filby,^*  who  took  out  his  wife  and  several  servants. 
He  had  been  a planter  in  St.  Christopher  and  was  thus 
experienced  in  West  Indian  planting  and  looked  forward 
to  a prosperous  career  in  the  island.  The  accord  between 
the  company  and  the  Tortuga  planters  was  not  long 
uninterrupted,  for  before  the  close  of  1631  it  was  learned 
by  a “stranger”  English  ship,  the  Whale,  touching  at 
Association  on  her  way  home  from  Providence,  that  it 
had  been  found  impossible  to  recruit  wood-cutters  at 
Nevis  and  St.  Christopher  as  expected,  and  that  much 
wood  was  being  cut  in  the  island  by  French  and  Dutch 
with  the  connivance  of  Capt.  Hilton,  who  was  pocketing 
the  proceeds  for  himself  and  exporting  the  wood  in 
French  and  Dutch  ships.  Many  objections  were,  there- 
fore, made  by  the  adventurers  to  subscribing  towards  a 
second  magazine  that  had  been  promised  for  1632.  They 
felt  that  they  had  no  assurances  as  to  the  future  inten- 
tions of  the  planters  and  that,  if  the  prohibition  of  trad- 
ing with  interlopers  was  incapable  of  enforcement,  there 
was  no  guarantee  whatever  of  a return  for  their  expendi- 
ture. Pym,  however,  maintained  that  Association  ought 
to  be  looked  upon  in  connection  with  Providence  and  as 
providing  a second  string  to  the  company’s  bow.  When 
responsibility  for  the  island  was  assumed,  a magazine 
had  been  promised  for  October,  1632,  and  Pym  held  that 
the  promise  having  once  been  given,  it  should  lie  adhered 
to.  He  agreed  that  Englishmen  were  unsuited  to  the 
labour  of  wood-cutting  in  tropical  forests,  where  “there 

13  A letter  from  him  is  extant  among  the  Barrington  MSS. 


110 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


was  an  abundance  of  offensive  flies,”  but  he  pointed  to 
the  fact  that  the  Dutch  ships  carrying  negroes  to  the 
Spaniards  passed  close  by  the  island  on  their  voyage, 
and  suggested  that  it  would  be  possible  to  obtain  from 
them  a supply  of  labour  well  suited  to  the  work.  Pym 
finally  carried  his  point  and  a magazine  was  despatched 
to  the  island  according  to  promise  about  the  end  of  July, 
1632.  A minister,  Mr.  Key,  was  engaged  to  care  for  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  colonists  and  sailed  by  the  same 
ship ; he  must  have  found  a very  arid  field  for  his  labours, 
for  the  class  of  colonists  in  Association  was  very  differ- 
ent from  that  in  Providence.  The  more  adventurous 
spirits  from  St.  Christopher  and  Nevis,  augmented  by 
rough  woodsmen  of  at  least  three  nationalities,  many  of 
whom  had  spent  years  roving  the  Indies  for  plunder, 
were  not  promising  disciples  for  a young  minister  chosen 
by  the  straitest  of  English  Puritans.  Mr.  Key’s  stay 
in  the  island  was  by  no  means  happy,  and  within  a couple 
of  years  we  find  him  obtaining  permission  from  the 
company  to  proceed  to  Providence,  where  he  found 
employment  with  Capt.  Camock’s  expedition  to  the 
mainland  of  Central  America. 

Pym’s  suggestion  of  the  possibility  of  employing 
negroes  for  wood-cutting  must  have  been  based  upon 
private  information  received  from  Hilton,  for  by 
February,  1633,  Hilton  had  already  purchased  forty 
negroes  and  was  employing  them  in  the  island.  So  profit- 
able did  the  new  departure  appear  that  the  company 
were  desirous  of  entering  into  an  arrangement  with  him, 
whereby  twenty  of  these  negroes  were  to  become  their 
property  and  were  to  be  employed  under  his  direction 
and  along  with  his  men  in  the  wood-cutting,  the  charge 
of  supervision  and  the  profits  to  be  equally  divided. 
They  directed  him  to  procure  more  negroes  on  their 
account  from  the  Dutch,  and  if  it  were  found  that  there 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


111 


were  more  than  could  be  profitably  employed  in  Asso- 
ciation, the  extra  bands  were  to  be  sent  to  Providence. 

The  first  intelligence  of  the  safe  arrival  of  the  Sea- 
flower  at  Providence  reached  England  in  December, 
1631,  letters  from  the  island  being  brought  by  an  English 
ship,  the  Whale,  that  had  touched  there  on  her  voyage 
through  the  West  Indies.^^  She  had  also  touched  at 
Association  and  brought  thence  some  sixty  cwt.  of 
tobacco,  the  produce  of  the  plantation,  which  proved  to 
be  of  good  quality  and  was  disposed  of  to  advantage. 
By  the  same  or  some  other  “stranger”  ship  came  George 
Needham,  who  in  1629  had  been  left  behind  by  Capt. 
Camock  to  plant  tobacco  in  Henrietta.  Needham  brought 
with  him  a good  supply  of  tobacco,  which  was  purchased 
from  him  by  the  company,  but  his  carriage  and  behaviour 
were  so  offensive  to  them  that  they  refused  him  any 
further  assistance.  He  apparently  felt  it  as  a grievance 
that  no  steps  were  to  be  taken  for  the  carrying  on  of 
the  plantation  he  had  begun  in  Henrietta,  and  was  in- 
cautious enough  to  express  his  dissatisfaction  openly. 
However,  being  summoned  before  the  treasurer,  Pym, 
and  expressing  his  contrition,  some  assistance  was 
granted  to  him  for  his  more  pressing  needs  and,  on 
promising  never  to  repeat  his  harsh  words  against  the 
company  and  Capt.  Elfrith,  he  was  told  that  he  should 
be  employed  in  the  next  ship  to  Providence  and  have 
servants  allotted  to  him.  The  company  was  the  readier 
to  pardon  Needham  as  he  had  had  long  experience  as 
a planter  in  the  West  Indies,  both  in  Bermuda  and  in 
St.  Christopher,  and  such  experience  was  a valuable 
asset  in  a new  colony. 

From  letters  of  about  this  date  from  New  England  it  would  appear 
that  the  Whale  had  sailed  to  Massachusetts  with  emigrants  in  1630  and 
thence  to  the  West  Indies  in  the  hopes  of  picking  up  a cargo.  Many  ships 
did  this  in  later  years. 


112 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  Seaflower  arrived  in  England  on  her  return  voy- 
age from  Providence  on  April  2,  1632,  and  for  the  first 
time  the  company  were  placed  in  possession  of  full 
information  concerning  the  happenings  in  the  colony 
and  the  steps  necessary  to  place  matters  on  a satisfactory 
footing.  The  misusage  of  the  Seaflower ’s  passengers  on 
the  outward  voyage  and  the  bad  and  insufficient  provi- 
sions supplied  to  them  have  already  been  mentioned; 
not  only  the  provisions  but  also  the  magazine  she  took 
out  for  the  supply  of  the  planters  proved  very  bad. 
Dyke  had  supplied  articles  of  the  very  poorest  quality 
and  had  charged  the  company  full  prices.  They,  expect- 
ing to  be  recouped  by  the  planters  and  ignorant  of  the 
facts,  had  fixed  their  retail  prices  accordingly,  and  in 
consequence  bitter  murmurings  resulted.  To  overcharge 
for  worthless  goods  was  by  no  means  a novel  proceeding 
on  the  part  of  Dyke,  and  many  of  the  old  Bermuda 
planters  must  have  remembered  with  disgust  that  such 
malpractices  had  characterised  his  proceedings  towards 
the  earlier  colony,*®  while  he  was  the  bitterest  opponent 
of  the  policy  of  allowing  freedom  of  trade  to  the  planters. 
As  has  been  shown,  the  complaints  of  the  company 
resulted  in  Dyke’s  practical  dismissal  and  from  thence- 
forward Pym,  as  treasurer,  took  the  oversight  of  the 
provisions  and  supplies  sent  to  the  island,  being  assisted 
by  the  company’s  husband,  John  Hart. 

The  Seafloiver  had  left  Providence  on  her  homeward 
voyage  on  December  21,  1631,  and  steered  direct  for 
home  by  the  usual  course  through  the  Florida  Channel. 
On  her  way  between  Cuba  and  Florida  she  was  attacked 
by  a Spanish  man-of-war  from  Havana  and  compelled 
to  fight  her  way  clear.  The  attack  must  have  been  a 
fierce  one,  for  she  was  three  times  boarded,  but  the 

15  See  the  full  account  of  the  proceedings  relative  to  the  attempts  of 
Delbridge  of  Barnstaple.  Lefroy,  Mem.  of  Bermuda.^,  I. 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


113 


Spaniards  were  finally  repulsed  with  great  loss.  Six 
or  eight  men  were  wounded  and  four  Englishmen  killed, 
including  Mr.  Essex,  a planter  who  had  gone  out  in  the 
first  voyage  hut  was  now  returning  to  England  without 
the  company’s  permission.  Capt.  Tanner,  who  had  lost 
an  eye  in  the  fight,  was  warmly  commended  for  his 
prowess,  but  the  company  now  began  to  realise  more 
clearly  the  risks  they  ran  in  establishing  a colony  in  the 
heart  of  the  Indies,  and  it  was  resolved  that  even  more 
stringent  precautions  than  before  must  he  taken  for 
the  immediate  arming  and  fortification  of  the  colony. 

Under  Bell’s  careful  guidance  the  immigrants  from 
the  Somers  Islands,  after  clearing  the  two  acres  of 
ground  allotted  to  each  of  them  of  the  timber  and  under- 
growth that  covered  it,  had  begun  l)y  planting  corn.’® 
When  their  future  subsistence  was  thus  assured,  the  rest 
of  their  ground  was  planted  with  tobacco,  the  crop  they 
had  always  been  accustomed  to  raise  in  Bermuda. 
Indian  corn  and  pease  were  found  to  grow  very  rapidly 
and  hear  excellently,  so  that  when  the  Seaflower  arrived, 
there  was  ample  store  of  provisions  to  maintain  both  the 
old  planters  and  the  new  arrivals.  These  also  were  at 
once  set  to  plant  corn  and  by  October,  1631,  they  had 
provided  sufficient  to  maintain  themselves,  for  it  was 
found  that  two  or  three  crops  of  corn  a year  might  be 
raised  in  the  tropical  climate  of  the  island.  The  second 
and  third  crops  were  hardly  as  abundant  as  the  first, 
and  were  more  subject  to  attacks  of  blight,  but  the  fer- 
tility of  the  soil  astonished  the  newcomers.  A large  pro- 
portion of  the  servants  sent  out  in  the  Seaflower  were 
set  to  finish  the  work  on  Warwick  Fort  under  Axe’s 

16  Many  of  these  details  are  derived  from  a private  letter  written  from 
Providence  to  Pym  by  Wm.  Eudyerd  and  Wm.  Eons  in  October,  1633.  The 
letter  is  now  among  the  Bouverie  MSS.  at  Brymore,  Somerset.  Hist.  MSS. 
Comm.,  Tenth  Report,  App  ’x,  p.  87. 


114 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


directions  and  the  company’s  half-share  of  all  provisions 
raised  was  allotted  to  their  maintenance.  In  October, 
1631,  some  eighty  more  Bermudians  arrived  and  set  to 
work  with  a will  in  clearing  their  ground.  By  the  end 
of  November  they  had  planted  their  corn,  but  the  dry 
season  was  coming  on,  the  crop  did  not  flourish,  they 
found  that  the  excess  of  stores  the  earlier  immigrants 
had  accumulated  was  insufficient  to  fill  so  many  extra 
mouths,  and  the  last  comers  were  the  first  to  feel  the 
dearth.  As  was  so  often  the  case  in  the  early  days  of 
a new"  colony,  it  w"as  found  that  the  immigrants  w"ere  of 
very  unequal  capabilities,  and  that  some  of  them  showed 
a strong  distaste  for  hard  wmrk.  Those  w"ho  had  by  their 
efforts  provided  for  their  subsistence,  w"ere  unwulling  to 
deprive  themselves  for  the  benefit  of  newcomers,  espe- 
cially w"hen  those  new-comers  w-ere  as  alien  in  s\unpathy 
to  them  as  w-ere  many  of  the  Bermudians.  The  religious 
difficulties  that  w-ere  agitating  England  w-ere  repro- 
duced in  little  in  the  Somers  Islands  and  although  those 
who  accompanied  Bell  to  Providence  mainly  belonged 
to  the  Puritan  party,  there  w-as  an  admixture  of  others, 
and  the  eighty  arrivals  in  October,  1631,  w-ere  men  w"ho 
had  been  gladly  spared  from  the  Somers  Islands  as 
undesirable  members  of  a hard-w"orking  society.  The 
immigrants  from  England  w-ere  practically  all  strict 
Puritans  of  the  same  type  as  those  wdio  were  leaving 
England  for  Massachusetts  Bay  and,  being  by  far  the 
stronger  party  in  the  island  at  this  time  (1632),  aimed 
at  a strictness  of  religion  and  discipline  that  their  fellows 
w-ere  ill  suited  to  observe. 

Gov.  Bell,  although  Puritan  in  s^mipathy,  had  showm 
during  his  government  of  Bermuda  that  he  w-ould  not 
sacrifice  the  w’ell-being  of  a colony  to  religious  differ- 
ences, and  he  attempted  to  preserve  a balance  betw-een 
the  parties  and  to  insist  upon  hard  and  unremitting  work 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


115 


by  all  for  the  strengthening  and  fortification  of  the 
island.  Lewis  Morgan,  the  young  Welsh  minister  of 
the  settlement,  was  not  prepared  to  submit  to  the  gov- 
ernor’s control  and,  aided  by  a planter,  Mr.  Essex, 
fomented  and  focused  the  discontent  of  the  planters 
against  both  Bell  and  the  company.  It  may  be  that 
Morgan  and  some  of  his  adherents  were  sincere  in  basing 
their  discontent  on  religious  grounds,  but  from  their 
complaints  we  may  guess  that,  while  Morgan’s  bitterness 
was  occasioned  by  disillusionment  and  by  finding  that 
his  work  was  a great  deal  more  difficult  and  uncongenial 
than  he  had  anticipated,  many  of  the  planters  were 
actuated  in  the  main  by  their  hostility  to  the  company’s 
insistence  upon  the  same  system  of  profit  sharing  that 
had  been  so  much  objected  to  in  the  Somers  Islands. 

Morgan  voiced  his  own  complaints  in  a private  letter 
despatched  by  the  Sea  flower  to  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  while 
the  general  objections  of  the  planters  were  embodied  by 
him  in  a petition  from  them  to  the  company  and 
entrusted  to  Mr.  Essex,  who  secured  his  passage  by 
pretending  to  have  received  permission  from  the  com- 
pany to  return  home  when  he  desired.  As  we  have 
seen,  Essex  was  slain  in  the  Seaflower’s  fight  off  Florida 
and  the  whole  of  his  papers,  showing  the  genesis  of  the 
petition,  fell  into  the  company’s  hands  when  the  vessel 
reached  England.  Morgan’s  letter  to  Sir  Nathaniel 
Rich  was  “so  stuffed  with  bitter  expressions”  and  so 
avowed  “a  spirit  inclined  to  sedition  and  mutiny,”  that 
the  company  at  once  resolved  that  he  must  be  sent  home 
without  delay.  They  saw  in  him  the  author  or  at  least 
the  fomenter  of  so  much  seeming  discontent  among  the 
planters  that  he  might  cause  a revolt  in  the  island  from 
the  company’s  government.  Preparations  for  the  des- 
patch of  reinforcements  to  the  island  by  the  new  ship, 
the  Charity,  were  far  advanced  when  the  Seafloiver 


116 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


arrived,  and  in  order  to  avoid  delay  at  this  critical 
juncture,  the  sailing  was  expedited  as  much  as  possible 
and  full  directions  for  dealing  with  the  crisis  were  sent 
out  to  the  governor.  Bell  was  directed  to  suspend 
Morgan  at  once  from  the  ministry  without  vouchsafing 
him  any  explanation.  A day  or  two  before  the  vessel 
was  to  sail  on  her  return,  he  was  to  cause  Morgan’s 
arrest,  sending  him  at  once  on  board  ship  and  allowing 
him  no  intercourse  with  those  on  shore.  He  was  to  be 
brought  home  in  strict  confinement  and  the  company 
promised  to  deal  severely  with  him  when  he  reached 
England.  The  governor  carried  out  these  directions  with 
promptitude,  and  the  culprit  came  before  the  court  on 
the  Charity’s  return,  March  15,  1633.  His  long  confine- 
ment had  already  induced  a contrite  spirit  and,  after  a 
very  severe  rating  by  Pym  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  he 
humbly  l>egged  the  i)ardon  of  the  company.  They  did 
not  desire  to  carry  matters  to  an  extreme  against  the 
person  of  a minister,  however  unworthy,  and  permitted 
him  to  make  a humble  acknowledgment  in  writing  of  his 
mutinous,  unworthy,  and  uncharitable  conduct  as  suffi- 
cient amends.  Payment  of  his  salary  was  refused,  but 
to  maintain  him  until  he  could  secure  further  employ- 
ment, a gratuity  of  £5  was  bestowed  on  him  through  the 
treasurer,  and  the  company  agreed  to  allow  him  a small 
sum  for  the  books  he  had  left  behind  him  in  the  island. 

Though  Morgan  was  thus  easily  dealt  with,  to  settle 
the  complaints  in  the  planters  ’ petition  was  a much  more 
difficult  task.  What,  perhaps,  galled  the  company  most 
was  Morgan’s  insinuation  to  the  planters  that  the 
adventurers  were  solely  and  covetously  desirous  of  profit 
for  themselves  and  that  they  put  on  a hypocritical  show 
of  godliness  for  the  encompassing  of  ungodly  ends.  To 
answer  this  most  unjust  and  unworthy  accusation,  the 
company  devoted  three  closely  written  folio  pages  of 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


117 


their  letter  to  the  governor  and  some  extracts  from  this 
letter  give  us  an  indication  of  their  aims  in  founding 
the  colony.  The  planters’  “bitter  insultings  and 
infamous  libels  are  such  as  it  behooves  not  one  Christian 
man  to  write  to  another,”  and  the  company  wonder  how 
men  can  so  much  forget  their  duty  to  God  and  their 
respect  to  those  “who  have  sought  their  good  safety 
and  welfare  both  for  soul  and  body  not  [the  adven- 
turers’] own  profit  as  some  . . . have  published  there 
and  sent  home  written.”  Each  adventurer  has  expended 
£600  at  least  while  in  other  plantations  £25  or  £50  was 
the  usual  share  and  if  a man  laid  out  £100  before  return 
of  profit,  “he  was  accounted  a great  Patriot,  but  scarce 
a wise  Adventurer.”  The  planters  gain  a comfortable 
subsistence  abroad,  which  they  never  do  at  home,  “and 
have  likewise  means  to  do  God  and  their  countrymen 
great  service  in  spreading  Religion  and  advancing  the 
honour  of  the  English  name  in  those,  till  of  late,  almost 
unknown  parts  of  the  world.”  The  planters  are  like 
the  Israelites  for  their  murmurings.  “It  is  nothing  to 
them  to  have  been  the  first  men  that  have  laid  that 
foundation  of  so  great  a work,  to  raise  an  eternal  monu- 
ment to  their  never-dying  Glory  in  propagating  God’s 
true  religion  and  spreading  the  English  empire.  Oh,  no ! 
but  the  Planters  must  be  presently  rich,  the  Adventurers 
poor  and,  as  much  as  in  you  lies,  discouraged  wholly 
from  proceeding  in  that  noble  work  of  providing  a refuge 
for  those  oppressed  for  righteousness  sake.”  The 
company  are  glad  to  learn  that  there  are  still  some 
godly  and  discreet  persons  left,  who  are  steadfast  like 
Joshua.  Let  them  admonish  the  guilty  and  threaten 
their  return  home  ’v\uth  shame  and  dishonour;  for  the 
sake  of  the  righteous  and  for  their  sake  only,  the  Adven- 

17  That  is,  up  to  the  date  when  this  letter  was  written,  May  10,  1632. 


118 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


turers  hope  Grod  will  send  his  blessing  upon  the  colony 
and  multiply  it  exceedingly. 

Treasurer  Pym’s  hand  is  visible  in  many  of  the 
phrases  of  this  lengthy  reproof,  but  his  practical  mind 
could  not  be  contented  with  mere  admonition  without 
an  attempt  to  remove  any  real  causes  of  discontent  that 
might  exist.  The  elements  hostile  to  the  Puritan  atmos- 
phere of  the  colony  must  be  at  once  removed  and  direc- 
tions to  this  end  were  given:  “Whereas  complaint  is 
made  of  the  superstitious  and  evil  disposition  of  some 
of  those  that  came  by  the  Seaflower  and  other  ships  from 
the  Somers  Islands,  we  would  have  you  to  send  them 
back  by  this  ship  [the  Charity]  to  their  former  habita- 
tions if  the  season  of  the  year  shall  be  convenient  so 
that  the  voyage  may  not  be  prevented  thereby.”  Strict 
instructions  were  given  to  the  master  that  he  was  to 
land  these  passengers  at  Bermuda  and  nowhere  else. 
That  the  company  did  not  mean  to  be  respecters  of  per- 
sons in  their  dispensation  of  justice  was  shown  by  their 
original  intention  to  order  the  trial  of  Capt.  William 
Rudyerd  on  charges  of  drunkenness,  swearing,  ill-car- 
riage towards  the  governor,  and  other  misdemeanours 
since  he  had  been  in  the  island,  but  on  the  appeal  of  his 
brother.  Sir  Benjamin,  and  the  Earl  of  Holland,  himself, 
it  was  finally  resolved  that  if  he  were  a reformed  man 
and  no  longer  likely  to  breed  division  or  hinder  the  pro- 
gress of  religion,  he  should  not  be  brought  to  trial  but 
merely  admonished.  His  drunkenness  caused  the  com- 
pany to  write : ‘ ‘ That  by  the  taking  away  the  cause  of 
some  abuses  we  may  in  some  measure  prevent  their 
increase,  we  do  order  that  all  the  strong  waters  out  of 
our  magazine  that  come  in  this  ship  or  that  shall  here- 
after come  in  any  other  ship  from  us,  shall  be  taken  into 
our  store  and  be  issued  thence  by  our  officers  according 
to  directions  from  you  [the  governor],  excepting  such 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


119 


private  supplies  as  shall  be  sent  from  particular  friends 
to  persons  well-qualified  with  temperance.”  It  was 
learned  that  some  in  the  island  had  sent  to  England  for 
cards,  dice,  and  tables.  Bell  was  directed  that  if  any 
of  these  baubles  should  arrive,  he  was  to  have  them  pub- 
licly burned  and  strictly  to  prohibit  the  use  of  such 
ungodly  things  under  severe  penalties.  Lawful  recrea- 
tions, however,  such  as  chess  and  shooting,  might  be  per- 
mitted and  even  encouraged  as  long  as  they  did  not 
conflict  with  work. 

That  the  planters  might  have  encouragement  to  piety 
and  the  furtherance  of  the  true  religion,  three  ministers 
were  sent,  Arthur  Rous  as  lecturer,  Hope  Sherrard'*  as 
minister  of  New  Westminster,  and  Mr.  Ditloff  as  min- 
ister of  the  southwest  part  of  the  island.  Arthur  Rous‘® 
was  the  fifth  son  of  Sir  Anthony  Rous  by  his  first  wife 
and  was  thus  the  younger  brother  of  Francis  Rous,  and 
Pym’s  step-brother.  He  had  married  a daughter  of 
Nicholas  Roope,  a shipowner  of  Dartmouth,  who  had 
many  ships  engaged  in  the  privateering  trade,  and  by 
her  Rous  had  a large  family  who  accompanied  him  to 
Providence;  it  was  therefore  considered  convenient  that 
a house  should  be  built  for  him  near  New  Westminster 
and  that  he  should  preach  a lecture  there  on  some  week- 
day. Hope  Sherrard’s  early  history  cannot  be  traced; 
he  played  a very  important  part  in  the  island’s  story 
and  some  letters  from  him  have  been  preserved.  Ditloff 
seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  poor  Palatine  ministers, 
dispossessed  by  the  Spaniards,  on  whose  behalf  many 
collections  were  made  in  English  churches  about  this 
time.  The  company  enjoined  respect  and  attention  to 

18  His  name  is  spelt  Sherhard  in  the  records  and  in  some  contemporary 
accounts  he  is  called  Sherwood.  His  extant  letters  are  always  signed  as 
above. 

19  Harl.  Soe.,  Visit,  of  Cornwall  (1620),  p.  195. 


120 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  ministers  as  an  aid  to  piety.  “We  advise  you  all 
therefore  as  to  an  humble  and  sincere  obedience  to  their 
message  and  a devout  and  respective  carriage  towards 
their  persons.  At  the  Council  Table  they  shall  sit  cov- 
ered, but  at  such  times  as  they  deliver  their  opinion,  we 
require  that  they  stand  uncovered.  . . . That  they  may 
have  much  encouragement  to  spend  their  times  and 
pains  in  the  service  of  your  souls  and  that  God  may  make 
their  endeavours  effectual  to  the  confining  of  those  that 
stand,  to  the  increase  of  Grace  and  the  conversion  of 
those  who  are  yet  strangers  from  God  to  the  knowledge 
of  his  Grace,  wherein  our  prayers  shall  not  be  wanting, 
and  to  the  attainment  whereof  our  charge  of  their  enter- 
tainment shall  not  seem  burdensome,  we  would  have  you 
presently  assign  unto  them  all  proportionable  quantities 
of  land  and  to  take  some  course  that  their  servants  may 
be  provided  for  with  diet,  lodging  and  washing  till  they 
shall  be  able  so  to  dispose  of  themselves  that  they  may 
make  convenient  provision  for  their  maintenance.” 

The  company’s  care  for  the  providing  of  the  island 
with  worthier  ministers  than  Morgan,  was  blessed  in  the 
case  of  Sherrard,  but  Rous  only  lived  a few  months  after 
landing,  being  carried  off  by  fever  in  1634.  Ditloff 
proved  faint-hearted  and  returned  to  England  in  dis- 
grace in  May,  1634,  leaving  Sherrard  as  the  only  minister 
of  the  colony.  Ditloff  was  accused  in  letters  to  the  com- 
pany of  a levity  of  conduct  unbecoming  in  a minister  and 
was  called  upon  to  exculpate  himself  before  receiving  his 
salary.  A vhdd  little  glimpse  of  the  time  is  afforded  in 
his  answers  to  the  charge;  in  reply  to  Penn’s  enquiry 
whether  it  was  true  that  he  and  others  used  to  sing  on  the 
Sabbath  Day  songs  that  were  not  divine,  he  answered 
that  “Mr.  Rous  taught  him  songs,  called  catches,  the 
meaning  of  which  word  he  understood  not,  the  matter  of 
which  was  the  motion  of  creatures  as  the  nightingale  and 


TORTUGA  AND  PROVIDENCE 


121 


the  like.  ’ ’ Rous  and  Sherrard  sang  with  him,  but  never 
on  the  Lord’s  Day.  Ditloff  was  not  content  to  bear  the 
attacks  made  upon  him  without  retaliation,  and  told 
Pym  that  he  was  informed  that  many  of  the  planters 
who  went  out  with  him  thought  Rous  insufficient,  “not 
being  able  to  pray  extemporary  and  would  soldier-like 
beat  his  men.”  “If  these  things  were  so,”  he  wrote, 
“Mr.  Rous  was  fitter  for  a butf-coat  than  a cassock,  and 
he  did  not  think  himself  to  have  been  at  fault  in  the 
opinion.”  The  company  apparently  did  not  think  so 
either,  for  in  the  end  Ditloff  was  paid  the  money  owing 
to  him,  and  departed  into  his  own  country. 

These  trivial  details  have  their  importance  in  our 
enquiry  as  showing  the  type  of  society  the  company  and 
some  of  the  colonists  were  aiming  to  establish  in  the 
island,  and  as  suggesting  the  similarity  of  the  colony  in 
its  inception  to  Massachusetts.  The  founders  of  both 
wished  to  provide  a refuge  for  the  oppressed  victims  of 
Laud’s  ecclesiastical  r%ime,  each  was  to  be  a sanctuary 
where  the  Puritans  might  worship  God  after  their  own 
fashion,  each  was  to  be  a society  ordered  according  to 
the  dictates  of  religion  and  governed  with  justice  and 
equity,  but  upon  the  strictest  Puritan  pattern.  In  each 
colony  there  was  a section  of  the  community  hostile  to 
Puritanism;  in  Massachusetts  the  earlier  settlers,  such 
as  Morton,  Gardiner,  and  Oldham,  were  for  a time  a real 
danger  to  the  fruition  of  the  ideals  of  its  rulers  and  had 
to  be  suppressed  or  driven  out ; in  Providence  the 
“superstitious”  Bermudians  had  to  be  got  rid  of.  But, 
whereas  their  conditions  of  comparative  isolation  enabled 
the  rulers  of  Massachusetts  to  found  a pure  theocracy 
that  lasted  unchanged  for  forty  years,  the  situation  of 
Providence,  the  enervating  effects  of  its  tropical  climate, 
and  the  ever-present  temptation  to  prey  upon  the  neigh- 
bouring Spaniards,  proved  fatal  to  the  Puritan  ideal. 


122 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and  before  it  had  been  settled  five  years  converted  the 
island  into  a mere  fortified  base,  whence  privateering 
warfare  might  be  waged  against  the  Spanish  Indies. 


CHAPTER  V 


ENLARGEMENT  OF  THE  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE 

COMPANY 

That  the  foundation  of  an  ideal  community  and  the 
pursuit  of  a profitable  investment  for  trading  capital  are 
incompatible  aims  has  been  so  often  demonstrated  that 
the  proposition  may  nowadays  be  regarded  as  a truism; 
but  even  in  the  seventeenth  century  experience  had 
shown  that  it  is  impossible  to  combine  business  with  sen- 
timent, however  noble.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  1620 
had  been  financed  for  their  voyage  across  the  Atlantic 
by  London  merchants  interested  in  fishing  and  the  fur 
trade,  but  the  arrangement  led  to  so  much  friction  that 
in  1627  the  settlers  bought  up  the  whole  of  the  stock  by 
instalments  and  became  entirely  independent  of  outside 
control.  John  White’s  company  of  Dorchester  adven- 
turers at  Cape  Ann  in  1623  found  it  impossible  to  satisfy 
the  demands  for  profits  of  their  backers  in  England  and 
within  a year  or  two  were  abandoned  to  support  them- 
selves as  best  they  could.  The  only  attempt  at  Puritan 
colonisation  that  succeeded,  the  colonisation  of  Massa- 
chusetts, succeeded  because  of  the  inherent  difference 
between  it  and  other  attempts.  Except  in  the  early  ven- 
ture at  Salem,  Massachusetts  was  never  a plantation 
financed  in  the  main  by  adventurers  remaining  at  home 
in  England  and  bound  down  by  their  English  ties  and 
interests;  it  was  a migration  of  settlers  almost  after 
the  pattern  of  a Greek  colonisation,  a migration  of  men 
depending  solely  upon  their  own  resources  and  expecting 
no  return  for  the  capital  they  had  invested  save  what 


124 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


they  aided  in  acquiring  by  their  own  personal  efforts  and 
privations. 

The  Providence  Company  from  the  start  attempted 
to  combine  two  divergent  aims,  and  although  its  mem- 
bers subscribed  largely  and  generously  to  the  enterprise 
at  first,  yet  the  capital  they  contributed  was  an  invest- 
ment and  not  a gift.  From  the  first  even  the  more 
strongly  Puritan  members  of  the  company,  such  as  Saye 
and  Pym,  expected  to  receive  some  return  upon  their 
expenditure,  though  they  desired  at  the  same  time  to 
found  a community  upon  the  strictest  Puritan  pattern; 
the  merchants,  however,  to  whom  the  financing  of 
schemes  of  exploration  and  colonisation  was  a regular 
matter  of  business,  looked  upon  the  colony  merely  as  a 
likely  speculation  and  had  little  sympathy  with  the 
aspirations  of  their  fellow  members.  A very  short  time 
convinced  them  that  there  was  little  profit  to  be  obtained 
and,  as  we  have  seen.  Dyke,  who  had  attempted  to  make 
a profit  out  of  the  scheme  at  the  expense  of  his  fellow 
adventurers,  abandoned  the  company  in  1632,  his  share 
being  purchased  by  Saye,  Rudyerd,  Pym,  and  Graunt. 
Gabriel  Barber,  a man  of  finer  fibre,  if  of  less  business 
capacity,  also  left  the  company  in  1632;  his  enterprises 
had  for  some  years  been  succeeding  ilP  and  he  now  found 
the  necessity  of  realising  his  investments  in  order  to 
stave  off  bankruptcy.  In  return  for  the  reimbursement 
by  the  company  of  his  out-of-pocket  expenses  upon  his 
share,  viz.,  £500,  he  assigned  to  them  his  five  allotments 
of  land  in  the  Somers  Islands  and  these  were  hence- 
forward the  joint  property  of  the  Providence  Company 
and  were  leased  and  worked  by  the  well-known  merchant, 
Humphrey  Slany.  For  the  expenses  he  had  been  put  to 
for  the  first  voyage,  the  company  reimbursed  Barber  by 

1 C.  S.  P.  East  Indies,  4 March,  1625.  Sale  by  Barber  of  £1200  of  East 
India  Stock.  Other  similar  entries. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


125 


the  payment  of  £200  cash,  a composition  that  was  also 
offered  to  Dyke,  hut  at  first  refused.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich 
was  reimbursed  for  his  expenditure  by  the  assignment 
of  one-quarter  of  Dyke’s  share  in  the  company  without 
payment.  Barber  did  not  long  survive  his  financial  ship- 
wreck and  died  some  time  in  1633. 

It  had  been  resolved  in  the  first  six  months  of  the  com- 
pany’s existence  that,  in  order  to  keep  the  control  in  the 
hands  of  the  original  members,  not  more  than  twenty 
whole  shares  should  ever  be  created,  but  it  was  found 
impracticable  to  refuse  absolutely  to  admit  new  members, 
and  the  difficulty  was  got  over  by  allowing  members, 
while  increasing  the  total  sum  invested,  to  let  some  por- 
tion of  the  new  capital  be  provided  by  their  friends,  por- 
tions of  the  whole  share  being  assigned  to  them  and  the 
voting  power  of  an  entire  share  being  wielded  by  a 
majority  of  those  owning  it.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enter 
into  details  as  to  the  way  in  which  these  fractions  of 
shares  changed  hands,  though  it  is  possible  to  trace  them 
all  in  the  records.  A list  of  the  new  members,  however, 
will  show  that  the  company  after  Dyke’s  retirement  was 
entirely  confined  to  members  of  the  Puritan  party  and 
that  the  merchant  element  had  abandoned  the  enterprise. 
Henry  Darley,  who  joined  the  company  in  November, 
1632,  was  a personal  friend  of  Pym’s  and  a strong  Puri- 
tan; he  and  his  younger  brother,  Richard,  were  sons  of 
Sir  Richard  Darley^  of  Buttercrambe  in  Yorkshire  and 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Edward  Gates,  possibly  a rela- 
tive of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  the  governor  of  Virginia. 
Darley  played  an  important  part  among  the  English 
Puritans  and  both  he  and  his  brother  were  prominent 
members  of  the  ruling  oligarchy  under  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment and  the  Commonwealth.  Darley  took  great  interest 
in  the  projects  for  Puritan  emigration  and  subscribed 

2 Harl.  Soc.,  Visit,  of  London,  I,  216. 


126 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


£50  to  the  funds  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company 
before  May,  1628.®  He  and  his  brother  offered  to  the 
Rev.  Thomas  Shepard,  when  silenced  for  Nonconformity 
by  Archbishop  Laud,  £20  a year  towards  his  support."* 
Sir  Thomas  Cheeke  of  Pirgo,  Essex,®  was  married  to 
Essex  Rich,  sister  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  had  been 
a member  of  the  Council  for  Virginia,  1612-1620.  He  sat 
in  all  parliaments  from  1624  to  the  Long  Parliament, 
for  various  Essex  seats,  and  was  a strong  Puritan.  His 
daughter,  Essex  Cheeke,  married  as  her  second  husband, 
Edward  Montagu,  Viscount  Mandeville,  about  whose 
connection  with  the  company  we  shall  have  much  to  say 
later.  James  Fiennes  was  the  eldest  son  of  Lord  Saye 
and  became  later  second  viscount.  His  younger  brother 
was  the  celebrated  Colonel  Nathaniel  Fiennes  of  the  Civil 
War.  John  Michell,  who  bought  a quarter  of  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich’s  share  in  May,  1633,  was  probably  a 
cousin  of  Rich,  whose  mother  was  a daughter  of  John 
Michell,  sheriff  of  London.®  William  Ball,  who  bought 
half  of  Sherland’s  share  on  his  death,  may  have  been  the 
William  Ball  who  in  1634  was  attorney  of  the  office  of 
pleas  in  the  Exchequer^  and  must  have  been  known  to 
Pym  and  Graunt.  John  Upton  of  Lucton,  Devon,®  who 
purchased  a quarter  of  Pym’s  share  in  November,  1632, 
and  thenceforward  acted  as  the  company’s  agent  in  the 
west  of  England,  had  married  Pym’s  half-sister,  Dorothy 
Rous.  He  did  a good  deal  of  work  for  the  company  and 
subscribed  several  sums  to  their  capital. 

By  May,  1633,  £1025  had  been  paid  upon  each  whole 
share,  of  which  Lord  Brooke  held  two,  but  when  fresh 

3 ArchcBologia  Americana,  III,  Ixxx. 

* Autobiography  of  Shepard,  p.  36. 

5 Browu,  Genesis,  II,  883. 

0 Brown,  II,  978. 

7 Harl.  Soc.,  Visit,  of  London,  II,  40. 

8 Visit,  of  Devon,  p.  293.  Visit,  of  Cornwall,  p.  195. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


127 


capital  had  to  he  raised  in  June,  1634,  it  was  decided 
to  introduce  an  arrangement  somewhat  similar  to  the 
modern  device  of  preference  shares.  The  sums  now 
paid  in  as  multiples  of  a quarter-share  (£256  5s.)  were 
to  be  reimbursed  and  receive  dividends  from  the  profits 
gained  before  anything  was  paid  on  the  original  shares. 
Practically  all  the  adventurers  subscribed  to  this  new 
stock,  and  three  new  adventurers,  William  Woodcock, 
Thomas  Barnardiston,  and  William  Boswell,  also  joined. 
John  Hart,  the  first  “husband”  of  the  company,  died 
in  1633,  leaving  his  affairs  in  a somewhat  involved  con- 
dition. The  arrangement  of  giving  full  power  to  the 
“husband”  to  act  in  the  company’s  name  had  been 
found  to  lead  to  abuse  and  it  was  determined  by  Pym 
that  a new  system  of  management  was  necessary.  His 
interest  in  the  company  and  its  projects  had  been  steadily 
growing  and  he  was  now  prepared  to  place  his  business 
capacity  entirely  at  the  service  of  the  scheme.  The  new 
husband,  William  Woodcock,  who  was  engaged  on  the 
recommendation  of  Lord  Brooke,  was  to  be  merely  the 
company’s  executive  agent  to  carry  out  the  plans  drawn 
up  by  the  treasurer.  The  details  of  all  arrangements 
were  to  be  submitted  to  and  decided  upon  by  Pym,  and 
no  orders  were  to  be  valid  unless  they  were  signed  by 
him  and  by  Secretary  Jessop.  Woodcock,  however,  was 
allowed  to  have  a share  in  the  business  and  subscribed 
to  the  preference  stock. 

Thomas  Barnardiston,®  a London  merchant,  engaged 
in  the  East  India  Company’s  trade,  was  a near  relative 
of  Richard  Knightley  of  Pawsley  and  brother  of  Sir 
Nathaniel  Barnardiston,  M.  P.  for  Suffolk  in  1628-1629 
and  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Winthrop.’®  He  was  an 
important  member  of  the  Puritan  party  in  the  City  of 

9 Visit,  of  London,  II,  51. 

10  Life  of  Winthrop,  I,  393. 


128 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


London,  but,  like  the  other  merchants,  he  did  not  long 
remain  connected  with  the  Providence  Company,  prob- 
ably being  dissatisfied  with  the  profits  and  finding  a 
far  more  fertile  field  for  the  employment  of  his  capital 
in  the  East  Indian  trade.  William  Boswell,  at  one  time 
secretary  to  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  was  deeply  engaged 
in  1629-1630  in  the  attempts  to  settle  “Carolana”  with 
Huguenots.  His  slight  connection  with  the  Providence 
Company  owes  its  importance  to  this  fact. 

The  fullest  details  for  a treatment  of  the  company’s 
financial  history  are  contained  in  the  records  but  they 
hardly  appear  to  afford  sufficient  matter  of  interest  to 
detain  us.  It  must  suffice  here  to  say  that  a large  part 
of  the  company’s  business  was  carried  on  in  very  modern 
fashion  by  means  of  short-dated  loans,  largely  from 
wealthy  Puritans  such  as  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  and  Lord 
Grey  of  Groby,  but  also  from  other  capitalists  such  as 
Edward  Cecil,  Viscount  Wimbledon,  and  from  London 
merchants  in  the  ordinary  way  of  business.  Pym  man- 
aged all  these  transactions  and  must  have  been  kept  very 
busy,  for  he  was  continually  reminding  the  members  of 
the  company  of  the  debts  that  remained  to  be  paid  off 
and  suggesting  to  them  means  of  raising  money  for  the 
purpose.  The  general  total  indebtedness  of  the  company 
was  a continually  increasing  amount  and  great  com- 
plexity was  introduced  into  the  accounts  by  attempting 
to  keep  the  finances  of  each  voyage  distinct  and  by  paying 
out  the  profits  upon  each  voyage  in  dividends  without 
accumulating  any  reserve  fund.  Although  the  company 
was  a rudimentary  joint  stock  concern,  it  was  a very 
inefficient  one  and  the  contrast  between  it  and  a modern 
enterprise  is  very  great. 

While  the  desire  of  the  founders  of  the  company  to 
keep  its  shares  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Puritans  was 
easily  fulfilled,  their  scheme  for  attracting  Puritan 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


129 


emigrants  to  the  colony  met  with  only  a very  slight 
measure  of  success,  though  they  made  every  endeavour 
to  carry  it  through.  In  order  to  avoid  the  ill-usage  of 
which  the  passengers  in  the  Seaflower  had  been  the 
victims,  it  was  decided  to  charter  a ship  which  should 
be  entirely  officered  by  the  company’s  men,  and  the 
Charity,  a vessel  of  two  hundred  tons,  was  got  ready  to 
sail  in  the  early  part  of  1632  under  the  mastership  of 
Thomas  Punt.  The  engagement  of  three  ministers  for 
the  island  has  already  been  mentioned  and  all  three 
sailed  in  this  ship,  the  command  of  the  passengers  in 
which  was  entrusted  to  Henry  Halhead  and  Samuel 
Rishworth,  Puritans  of  the  true  New  England  type. 
Henry  Halhead  was  a native  of  the  town  of  Banbury 
and  a dependent  of  Lord  Saye;  like  his  patron,  he  was 
always  to  the  fore  in  defence  of  ancient  rights,  and  in 
1632  he  had  made  himself  so  obnoxious  to  the  authorities 
that  he  was  compelled  to  emigrate.  In  March,  1628, 
forty  soldiers,  billeted  in  Banbury,  had  engaged  in  riot- 
ing and  had  set  fire  to  the  houses  of  some  of  those 
opposed  to  them.  The  parish  constable,  in  trying  to 
prevent  further  outrage,  had  been  maltreated  by  the 
soldiers  and  failed  to  obtain  redress  from  the  justices, 
who,  from  fear  of  the  government,  considered  that  they 
had  no  power  to  punish  the  soldiers  without  consent  of 
their  captains.  The  constable  appealed  to  the  House 
of  Lords^^  then  sitting  and  brought  forward  Halhead  to 
prove  the  truth  of  his  statements.  The  lords  sent  for 
the  justices  and  admonished  them,  while  the  offending 
soldiers  were  punished  with  stripes.  To  the  end  of  his 
life  Halhead  maintained  the  interest  in  opposing 
enclosures  that  he  had  imbibed  under  Lord  Saye  in 

11  “House  of  Lords  MSS.”  (Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Fourth  Report,  App’x,  p. 
13),  26  March,  1628,  Petition  of  George  Philips,  constable  of  Banbury; 
see  also  Lords’  Journal,  III,  700,  708. 


130 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


1617/^  In  1650,  after  his  return  from  the  West  Indies, 
there  appeared  from  his  pen  a small  work  against 
enclosures  under  the  title  of  Inclosure  Thrown  Open, 
showing  the  practice  to  be  wicked  by  quotations  from 
Scripture  and  many  other  sources.^® 

One  hundred  and  fifty  passengers  in  all  were  gathered 
together  for  the  voyage  to  Providence  under  Halhead’s 
leadership  and  these  were  of  a more  strongly  Puritan 
type  than  any  other  emigrants  to  Providence.  Those 
coming  from  Essex  were  directed  to  come  to  a rendezvous 
in  London  and  boarded  the  Charity  there;  those  from 
Devon  and  Warwickshire,  together  with  Lord  Saye’s 
party  from  Oxfordshire,  assembled  at  Plymouth  and 
were  lodged  at  the  company’s  charge  in  the  houses  of 
Puritan  sympathisers  while  waiting  for  the  ship.  The 
cost  of  transportation,  £6  per  head  including  victuals, 
was  borne  by  the  emigrants  themselves  in  most  cases, 
but  when  poverty  prevented  their  paying  before  leaving 
England,  the  company  arranged  that  the  emigrants 
might  repay  the  passage  money  out  of  their  first  year’s 
profits  in  the  island.  No  servants  were  sent  out  to  the 
planters  in  this  voyage,  the  emigrants  being  all  freemen 
and  many  of  them  taking  with  them  their  wives  and 
families.  The  majority  were  agriculturists,  but  a good 
many  mechanics  also  went  out,  such  as  carpenters, 
sawyers,  coopers,  smiths,  and  brickmakers. 

Although  great  care  had  been  taken  in  the  preparation 
of  the  instructions  for  the  voyage,  they  were  almost 
entirely  disregarded  by  the  master,  and  the  passengers 
suffered  even  more  cruelly  than  had  those  in  the  Sea- 

12  Privy  Council  Eegister,  James  I,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  111-115.  Quoted  by 
Prof.  E.  C.  K.  Conner  in  Eng.  Hist.  Bev.,  1908,  p.  482. 

13  Inclosure  Thrown  Open  or  Depopulation  Depopulated  Not  by  Spades 
and  MattocTcs  but  by  the  Word  of  God,  the  Latvs  of  the  Land,  and  Solid 
Arguments.  And  the  most  material  Pleas  that  can  be  brought  for  it  con- 
sidered and  answered.  By  Henry  Halhead.  London,  1650. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


131 


flower.  The  Charity  had  not  long  left  Plymouth  when 
a dangerous  sickness  broke  out  on  board  and  the  surgeon 
appealed  to  the  master  for  the  issue  of  stores  for  relief 
of  the  sick.  Not  only  did  Punt  refuse  this  reasonable 
demand,  but  he  stinted  the  passengers  and  seamen  of 
the  poor  food  allowed  them ; one-third  of  their  allowance 
of  biscuit,  one-half  of  their  beer,  and  a proportion  of 
their  pease  were  abated,  while  only  three  stock-fish  and 
a half  were  allowed  each  week  between  forty  persons. 
That  this  niggardliness  was  solely  due  to  Punt’s  desire 
for  illicit  gain  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  privately 
disposed  of  twenty-eight  butts  of  beer  on  reaching 
Providence  and  of  a large  amount  of  biscuit  on  his  return 
to  England.  The  despotic  power  of  a master  on  ship- 
board was  even  greater  in  the  seventeenth  century  than 
it  is  to-day  and  Punt’s  reply  to  all  complaints  was  an 
order  for  a flogging  for  the  complainant.  One  seaman 
who  grumbled  was  first  flogged  and  then  tied  to  the 
capstan  for  two  hours  with  fifteen  heavy  cannon  shot 
about  his  neck.  Though  Halhead  was  in  command  of 
the  passengers.  Punt  threatened  him  with  the  “bilboes” 
or  heavy  leg-irons  for  mutiny,  because  he  had  directed 
one  of  his  own  body  servants  to  go  ashore  without  the 
master’s  express  permission.  The  company  did  their 
best  to  bring  Punt  to  book  for  his  misdeeds  on  his  return 
to  England  and  he  was  examined  before  certain  masters 
of  Trinity  House  concerning  the  allegations  against 
him.  After  the  case  had  dragged  on  two  or  three 
months,  it  was  found  that  no  satisfaction  was  obtain- 
able through  Trinity  House  and  it  was  decided  to  pay 
Punt  and  his  accomplice,  the  purser,  the  wages  owing 
to  them  and  to  abandon  any  further  proceedings.  It 
can  hardly  be  wondered  at  that  the  emigrants  who  had 
voyaged  to  the  island  under  such  painful  conditions, 
sent  back  most  doleful  accounts  to  their  friends  in  Eng- 


132 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


land,  and  the  company  found  great  difficulty  in  conse- 
quence of  these  reports  in  securing  further  emigrants. 

In  the  original  proposals  from  Elfrith  to  Giov.  Bell,  that 
ultimately  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Providence  Com- 
pany, he  pointed  out  as  the  most  likely  place  for  a colony 
an  island,  which  he  called  Fonseca,  and  which,  he  said, 
lay  “some  one  hundred  leagues  to  the  eastwards  of  the 
Caribbees  out  of  all  the  Spaniards’  roads  and  ways.”^^ 
At  the  end  of  1632  Pym’s  energy  felt  the  need  for  some 
fresh  outlet  and  his  thoughts  turned  to  Fonseca  as  the 
most  suitable  scene  for  further  activity  of  the  company, 
for  it  was  said  to  be  of  considerable  size  and  great  fer- 
tility. The  existence  of  such  an  island  had  been  confi- 
dently believed  in  by  the  Spaniards  throughout  the 
sixteenth  century  and  the  growth  of  the  myth  is  an 
interesting  subject  of  enquiry.^®  The  name  “San 
Bernaldo”  was  in  use  by  the  Spaniards  quite  early  in 
the  century  for  one  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  which  were 
then  only  very  roughly  and  vaguely  marked  upon  the 
maps.  By  1544  the  name  had  become  definitely  applied 
to  a fair-sized  island  marked  as  lying  well  out  of  the 
chain  of  the  Lesser  Antilles  and  bearing  about  E.  N.  E. 
of  Tobago.  The  Sebastian  Cabot  map  of  1544  gives  it 
in  this  position  and  this  is  repeated  in  several  other 
maps  of  somewhat  later  date;  in  some  of  these  it  bears 
also  the  name  of  “Fonsequa”  or  “Fonseca,”  and  is 
given  a very  noticeable  cross-like  outline,  probably  thus 
indicating  that  it  had  been  scrupulously  copied  from 
earlier  maps;  in  other  and  more  accurate  maps  it  is 
marked  definitely  as  lying  in  the  position  which  Elfrith 
described.  In  the  ‘ ‘ Ruttier  for  the  West  Indies,  ’ ’ printed 

V.  supra,  p.  39. 

15  For  some  of  these  references  the  writer  is  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of 
Mr.  E.  Heawood,  librarian  of  the  Eoyal  Geographical  Society,  and  of  Mr. 
W.  E.  Kettle,  editor  of  Finlay’s  Directory  of  the  North  Atlantic. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


133 


by  Hakluyt/®  there  is  a list  of  all  the  more  important 
West  Indian  islands  and  their  latitudes,  where  we  find: 
“The  island  of  Fonzeca  standeth  in  Degrees  of  latitude 
111/4.”  One  of  the  most  reliable  maps  of  the  American 
coast  and  islands  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  is  that 
of  Sebastian  de  Ruesta,  cosmographer  to  the  Contra- 
tacion  House  of  Seville,  and  on  this  map  Fonseca  is 
marked  as  bearing  due  north  of  what  is  now  French 
Guiana.^^  In  letters  from  the  Indies  to  Spain  in  1630, 
the  corsairs  are  said  frequently  to  take  refuge  in  the 
island  of  Fonseca,  while  on  February  28,  1628,  Charles  I 
granted^®  to  Philip,  Earl  of  Montgomery,  “the  islands 
lying  between  8 and  13  degrees  of  north  latitude,  called 
Trinidado,  Tabago,  Barbados,  and  Fonseca.” 

Both  in  Spain  and  England,  then,  the  island  was 
assumed  to  have  a real  existence  and  it  was  only  towards 
the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  that  it  disappeared 
from  the  maps.  In  the  excellent  atlas  of  N.  Yisscher 
(1650)^®  there  is  no  mention  of  the  island,  but  it  is 
occasionally  met  with  as  late  as  1866,  when  Keith  John- 
ston’s Royal  Atlas  definitely  marks  it  and  in  the  accom- 
panying Index  Geographicus  its  exact  position  is  given 
as  12°  27'  N.,  54°  48'  W.  Upon  an  admiralty  chart  of 
1848  no  island  appears  in  this  position,  but  a rock  termed 
“La  Gallissonniere  Rock”  is  marked.  The  non-existence 
of  both  island  and  rock  was  finally  ascertained  by  the 
officers  of  the  United  States  government  brig  Dolphin, 
who  in  1852  obtained  a sounding  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  and  seventy  fathoms  near  the  reputed  position. 
The  lengthy  period  through  which  the  existence  of  an 

i«  Hakluyt’s  Voyages  (Everyman  Library),  VII,  267. 

17  Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.,  5027a. 

18  Sign  Man.,  Car.  I,  Vol.  V,  no.  22,  C.  S.  P.  Col.,  1574-1660,  p.  87.  In 
Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane,  3662,  fo.  46,  the  version  of  this  patent  calls  the  island 
‘ ‘ San  Bemaldo.  ’ ’ 

19  Atlas  Contractus  Orhis  Terrarum.  N.  Visseher,  Amsterdam,  1650. 


134 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


island  lying  far  out  of  the  chain  of  the  Antilles  was 
assumed  as  certain,  gives  to  Fonseca  or  San  Bernaldo 
a rather  more  tangible  position  than  such  an  entirely 
vague  and  mythical  island  as  “St.  Brendan’s  Isle,” 
though  even  this  in  1628  was  granted  by  patent  as  a field 
for  colonisation.  In  the  rudimentary  state  of  the  science 
of  navigation  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  accurate 
determination  of  longitude  was  impossible  and  mariners 
worked  entirely  by  means  of  latitude  and  dead  reckon- 
ing. It  is  quite  possible  that  an  early  navigator,  taking 
a course  more  southerly  than  usual,  should  have  failed 
to  allow  for  the  westerly  drift  of  the  great  equatorial 
current  and  should  have  made  his  first  land  fall  two  or 
three  days  before  he  expected  it  upon  Tobago,  or  even 
Barbadoes.  Hakluyt  gives  the  latitude  of  Tobago  as 
eleven  degrees,  which  differs  very  little  from  the  eleven 
and  one-fourth  degrees  of  Fonseca.  The  existence  of 
the  island  having  once  been  assumed,  it  was  very  difficult 
to  prove  it  mythical  and  the  mistake,  like  many  another, 
was  copied  by  writer  after  writer  for  two  hundred  years. 

At  a meeting  of  the  Providence  Company  on  November 
26,  1632,  in  John  Pym’s  house,^®  it  was  definitely  decided 
to  extend  the  area  of  the  company’s  activities  and  it  was 
resolved  that  £25  should  be  paid  in  on  each  entire  share 
of  adventure  towards  the  expenses  of  a voyage  of  dis- 
covery to  Fonseca.  As  the  lord  chamberlain,  the  Earl 
of  Pembroke  and  Montgomery,  possessed  some  preten- 
sions to  the  island,  it  was  resolved  to  invite  him  to  join 
as  a private  adventurer  in  the  enterprise,  but  Pembroke, 
whose  West  Indian  ventures  had  not  been  graced  with 
much  success  and  who  had  been  involved  in  a long  con- 
test mth  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  concerning  the  right  to 

20  Pyra ’s  house  was  at  this  period  on  the  eastern  side  of  Gray ’s  Inn  Lane, 
only  a few  doors  away  from  Brooke  House.  Nugent ’s  Mems.  of  Hampden, 
I,  296.  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  16  Jan.  1637-1638,  Eeturn  of  Justices  of  the  Peace. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


135 


Barbadoes,  declined  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
enterprise  and  tacitly  renounced  his  rights  in  favour  of 
the  company.  A pinnace,  the  Elizabeth,  was  hired  at 
the  rate  of  £4  per  month,  and  Matthew  Harbottle,  lately 
master  of  the  Little  Hopewell,  was  appointed  to  the 
command.  The  pinnace  was  to  call  at  Association  and 
take  on  board  Capt.  Hilton,  who  would  direct  the  voyage. 
During  the  winter  the  subscriptions  were  all  collected 
and  Pym  made  enquiries  of  those  experienced  in  West 
Indian  navigation  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue. 
These  enquiries  were  evidently  unsatisfactory  and  were 
sufficient  to  cast  doubts  not  only  upon  the  feasibility  of 
the  enterprise,  but  even  upon  the  existence  of  such  an 
island  as  Fonseca.  Pym’s  native  caution  was  far  too 
strong  to  allow  him  to  throw  away  his  own  and  his 
partner’s  money  in  the  chase  of  a will-o’-the-wisp,  and 
in  March,  1633,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Fonseca  design  should  be  abandoned  in  favour  of  a 
project  more  likely  to  offer  success. 

Hilton  had  laid  before  the  company  in  his  letters  two 
schemes  for  the  outlay  of  capital  in  Indian  trade.  The 
first  of  these  schemes  involved  the  seizure  of  islands 
in  the  Florida  Channel,  either  the  cays  where  Key  West 
now  stands,  or  some  of  the  western  Bahamas;  this  was 
far  too  bold  a plan  for  the  company  to  sanction,  for  it 
really  courted  failure.  The  Spaniards’  brutal  massacre 
of  Eibault  and  Laudonniere’s  Florida  colonists  some 
seventy  years  before^^  was  still  vividly  remembered,  and 
that  the  governor  of  Havana  would  do  what  he  could  to 
maintain  Spain’s  exclusive  policy  in  Florida  waters  had 
been  clearly  brought  home  to  the  Providence  Company 
by  the  narrow  escape  of  their  vessel,  the  Seaflower,  on 
her  homeward  voyage  through  the  Straits.  Hilton’s 
second  project  was  for  a trade  with  the  Indians  in  the 

21  By  Menendez,  20  Sept.,  1565. 


136 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Gulf  of  Darien  and  this  was  far  easier  to  carry  out. 
Although  within  a few  score  of  miles  of  a world’s  high- 
way so  much  travelled  as  is  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  the 
country  round  the  Gulf  of  Darien  is,  even  to  the  present 
day,  little  visited,  and  the  wild  and  intractable  San  Bias 
Indians  inhabiting  its  hills  and  swampy  shores  have 
never  bowed  beneath  the  Spanish  yoke.  From  Porto 
Bello  to  the  head  of  the  gulf,  the  coast  is  lined  with  small 
islands,  the  creeks  between  which  had  from  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century  formed  a favourite  refuge  for 
English  corsairs,  where  they  might  mature  in  safety 
their  plans  against  the  Spanish  treasure  convoys.^^  The 
hostility  of  the  Darien  Indians  against  the  Spaniards 
was  intensified  by  their  alliance  with  the  Cimarones  or 
negroes,  who,  having  fled  from  the  plantations  round 
Panama,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  Darien  swamps  and 
hills;  their  friendliness  towards  the  English  was,  how- 
ever, very  marked  and  was  an  important  factor  in  the 
history  of  the  Isthmus  for  two  hundred  years.^® 

In  March,  1633,  the  Providence  Company  definitely 
decided  to  divert  the  subscriptions  that  had  been  received 
for  the  Fonseca  design,  to  the  fitting  out  of  a trading 
voyage  to  Darien.  A pinnace,  the  Elizabeth,  was  pur- 
chased and  placed  under  the  command  of  Matthew 
Harhottle,  who,  as  mate  of  the  Charity,  had  pro- 
tested against  Punt’s  malpractices,  and  had  given 
evidence  against  him.  A Dartmouth  pinnace,  the  Pole, 
was  chartered  under  the  command  of  her  owner,  Nicholas 
Roope,  and  was  fitted  out  to  accompany  the  Elizabeth. 

22  Drake,  while  preparing  for  his  attack  on  Nombre  de  Dios  in  1572,  spent 
some  time  among  the  Darien  Indians  and  the  Cimarones.  John  Oxenham 
also  visited  them  in  1575.  Hakluyt,  VII,  63,  64. 

23  Dampier  and  his  companions  spent  many  months  in  Darien  in  1679, 
and  there  is  a contemporary  map  of  the  locality  in  his  Voyages.  In  1739 
Governor  Trelawny  of  Jamaica  organized  a revolt  in  Darien  to  facilitate 
Admiral  Vernon’s  attack  on  Porto  Bello  and  Panama. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


137 


Forty-two  passengers  went  out  with  these  vessels  to 
Association  and  Providence,  half  of  them  being  servants 
under  bond,  who  had  been  recruited  for  the  company 
by  paid  agents  and  were  of  an  entirely  different  char- 
acter to  the  earlier  Puritan  emigrants.  From  Associa- 
tion the  vessels  were  directed  to  sail  to  St.  Christopher 
or  Barbadoes  to  obtain  cotton-seed,  and  thence  to  Provi- 
dence. If  Hilton  desired  to  do  so,  he  was  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  expedition,  but  if  not  Richard  Lane,  a 
protege  of  Lord  Brooke’s,  was  to  direct  the  course  of 
the  traders  after  leaving  Providence.  Hilton  did  not 
care  to  leave  the  scene  of  his  profitable  duplicity  and 
Lane  therefore  acted  as  cape-merchant  or  supercargo 
and  had  charge  of  the  ‘ ‘ cargazoon.  ” As  an  evidence  of 
the  care  bestowed  by  Pym  upon  the  instructions  issued 
to  the  company’s  commanders,  it  is  worth  while  to 
examine  those  issued  to  Lane  in  detail. 

Lane  was  directed  on  his  arrival  in  Providence  to  plant 
carefully  the  madder  he  took  out  and  to  leave  explicit 
directions  with  responsible  persons  for  its  cultivation. 
He  was  then  to  take  on  board  Roger  Floyd  and  six  or 
eight  other  persons  and  to  sail  to  the  Bay  of  Darien, 
“which  lies  South-east  and  by  South  from  Cape  Cattina 
not  far  from  Porto  Bello  upon  the  continent  of  the  West 
Indies.”  On  arrival  there  he  was  to  take  what  steps  he 
thought  fit  for  finding  a suitable  landing  place  and  to 
take  care  to  conceal  his  movements  from  the  Spaniards. 
“If  you  shall  see  cause  to  fear  discovery  by  the  Span- 
iards or  danger  by  foul  weather,  you  may  give  the 
Master  direction  to  put  into  the  harbour  lying  there- 
about (as  we  are  informed  between  the  main  and  an 
island  called  Isla  de  Pinas  w^here  she  may  ride  out  of 
sight  of  such  ships  as  may  pass  by  and  out  of  danger  of 

24  A favourite  place  of  concealment  of  the  rovers  among  the  Islas  de  San 
Bias.  See  Dampier’s  Voyages. 


138 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


wind.”  He  was  to  use  all  possible  means  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  Indians,  “taking  care  that  [he]  be  not 
too  liberal  nor  that  they  may  have  cause  to  suspect  [his] 
own  disesteem  of  the  commodities.”  He  was  to  use  all 
possible  means  to  conceal  from  them  the  object  of  his 
coming,  but  was  to  express  a desire  of  renewing  friend- 
ship vdth  them  as  “favourers  of  the  English  nation  and 
especially  of  Don  Francisco  Draco  (whose  name  they 
seem  to  honour).”  He  was  to  make  advantage  of  them 
by  trade  for  gold,  etc.,  to  discover  what  things  might  be 
obtained  from  them  and  their  value,  and  to  labour  to 
possess  them  with  the  natural  goodness  of  the  English 
nation.  He  was  to  restrain  any  boisterous  carriage  to 
the  women  and  particularly  “mocking,  pointing  or 
laughing  at  their  nakedness.”  None  of  the  seamen  were 
to  be  permitted  to  trade  ^vith  the  Indians  or  to  have 
much  familiarity  with  them.  He  was  to  keep  a careful 
account  of  all  the  trade  he  did,  and  when  he  had  obtained 
a cargo  he  was  to  return  with  it  to  Providence. 

The  Elizabeth  left  England  in  April,  1633,  and 
attempted  to  carry  out  the  programme  arranged  for  her, 
but  the  Darien  trade  proved  impossible  for  the  time 
being,  o\ving  to  circumstances  which  could  not  have  been 
foreseen.  When  the  Elizabeth  arrived  in  the  Gulf  of 
Darien,  she  found  there  three  Dutch  ships  that  were 
attempting  to  trade.  Though  English  and  Dutch  were 
still  closely  allied  through  their  common  hostility  to 
Spain’s  exclusive  pretensions,  there  were  many  signs 
that  commercial  rivalries  were  beginning  to  drive  them 
asunder.  In  the  East,  the  Amboyna  massacre  had  un- 
mistakably shown  the  English  what  consideration  they 
might  expect  when  Dutchmen  felt  that  they  really  had 
the  upper  hand,  but  in  western  waters  conditions 
remained  more  friendly  and  the  main  complaint  of 
Englishmen  as  yet  was  that  the  Dutch  were  so  brutal  in 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


139 


their  dealings  with  the  natives  as  to  render  it  difficult  to 
carry  on  trade.  A flagrant  instance  of  this  brutality 
now  dashed  all  hopes  of  the  Darien  trade  to  both  nations 
for  some  years.  Some  small  parties  from  the  Dutch 
ships  had  already  got  into  communication  with  the 
Indians  before  the  Elizabeth  arrived  on  the  coast,  and 
they  had  seen  sufficient  gold  round  the  natives’  necks 
to  excite  all  their  cupidity.  The  Indians  had  informed 
them  that  they  had  plenty  of  gold  in  the  hills  and  prom- 
ised in  six  days’  time  to  bring  down  some  of  the  hill 
people  to  trade  with  them.  Accordingly  at  the  end  of 
that  time  some  two  or  three  hundred  Indians  from  the 
interior  came  down  to  the  shore,  and  a young  man,  who 
knew  something  of  their  language,  was  sent  among  them 
to  try  their  disposition  to  trade.  His  report  was  evi- 
dently favourable,  for  the  Dutch  vice-admiral,  seeing 
great  hopes  of  gain,  determined  to  land  and  go  among 
them.  In  order,  however,  to  guard  against  surprise,  he 
ordered  his  men  to  carry  their  arms  with  them;  this 
was  a fatal  step,  for  the  Indians,  when  they  saw  armed 
men  beginning  to  land,  took  to  flight.  The  Dutch  were 
resolved  that  their  hopes  of  gain  should  not  so  easily 
be  dashed,  and  pursued  the  natives  into  the  woods, 
behaving  with  great  brutality  and  seizing  the  gold 
ornaments  round  the  necks  of  the  women  and  whatever 
else  of  value  they  could  lay  their  hands  on.  The  fight 
soon  became  general  and  in  the  melee  the  Dutch  vice- 
admiral  was  slain  by  an  Indian  dart.  This  loss  cast  his 
men  into  the  greatest  confusion  and  it  was  only  with 
difficulty  and  after  the  loss  of  several  of  their  men  that 
they  succeeded  in  regaining  their  boats  and  taking  refuge 
on  shipboard.  It  was  patent  to  everyone  that  all  hopes 
of  peaceful  trade  must  be  abandoned  for  the  time  being 
and  after  a short  delay  and  a few  unsuccessful  attempts 


140 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


to  trade  on  other  parts  of  the  coast,  the  Elizabeth 
returned  with  her  cargo  to  Providence. 

Other  trading  ventures  had  been  directed  from  Provi- 
dence in  1631  and  1632  and  in  these  Daniel  Elfrith  had 
played  the  leading  part.  It  will  be  remembered  that  at 
the  first  election  of  officers  Elfrith  had  chosen  the  post 
of  admiral  in  preference  to  that  of  governor,  and  in  pur- 
suance of  the  company’s  directions  he  set  forth  early 
in  1631  on  a voyage  to  other  West  Indian  islands  and  to 
the  adjacent  mainland  of  Central  America  in  search  of 
commodities  suitable  for  raising  in  Providence.  The  first 
voyage  and  others,  performed  by  Elfrith  during  1631 
and  1632,  met  with  very  little  success  and  Elfrith  had  to 
be  severely  reproved  by  the  company  for  his  aggressive 
acts  at  the  expense  of  the  Spaniards,  but  the  accounts  he 
sent  home  gave  the  company  such  a very  favourable  idea 
of  the  mainland  opposite  to  Providence  that  after  mature 
consideration  it  was  resolved  to  concentrate  the  com- 
pany’s greatest  efforts  at  Indian  trade  rather  upon  Cape 
Gracias  a Dios  than  in  the  territory  round  the  Gulf  of 
Darien.  The  idea  grew  further  as  time  went  on  and 
developed  into  a project  for  settling  a great  colony  of 
Englishmen  in  Central  America,  but  in  the  first  instance, 
when  the  preliminary  steps  were  taken  in  1633,  it  was 
trade  that  was  aimed  at. 

The  first  mention  of  their  design  to  Gov.  Bell  was  made 
by  the  company  in  the  letters  sent  by  the  Elizabeth 
(April,  1633).  He  was  informed  that  the  company 
intended  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a trade  upon  Cape 
Gracias  a Dios  and  to  employ  there  persons  acquainted 
with  the  character  and  language  of  the  Indians.  In  order 
to  avoid  any  difficulty.  Bell  was  ordered  that  the  Main 
was  not  to  be  visited  until  full  directions  as  to  the  carry- 
ing on  of  the  trade  were  received.  If  any  Indian  came 
to  Providence  from  the  Main  no  pistols,  knives,  hooks. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


141 


or  iron  of  any  kind  were  to  be  trucked  with  them.  The 
company  had  heard  that  many  in  the  island  began  to 
look  towards  the  Main  for  profit.  As  this  would  conflict 
with  their  design  to  found  a prosperous  colony  in  Provi- 
dence, Bell  was  to  check  all  such  tendencies  and  was  to 
exhort  the  planters  to  look  for  profit  to  their  plantations 
in  the  island  and  not  elsewhere.  Immediately  after  the 
business  connected  with  the  sailing  of  the  Elizabeth  had 
been  completed,  Pym  took  up  the  new  project  in  earnest. 
It  was  decided  that  each  adventurer  should  contribute 
£60  towards  the  voyage  and  that  a magazine  of  trade 
goods  should  be  provided  for  £600.  A pinnace  of  ninety 
tons,  the  Golden  Falcon,  was  purchased  at  a cost  of  £405 
from  Lord  Paulet  and  sent  round  from  Southampton  to 
the  Thames  to  be  refitted  for  the  voyage  under  the  direc- 
tions of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  The  command  of  the  expe- 
dition was  entrusted  to  Capt.  Sussex  Camock,  who,  it  will 
be  remembered,  was  Elfrith’s  fellow-commander  in  the 
1627-1628  voyage  and  who  had  been  left  planting  tobacco 
upon  Henrietta.  Sussex  Camock  was  the  brother  of 
Capt.  Thomas  Camock,  who  had  married  Frances, 
daughter  of  the  second  Lord  Rich  and  aunt  of  Robert, 
Earl  of  Warvuck.  Thomas  Camock  had  for  some  years 
been  interested  in  New  England  and  had  been  living 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  Black  Point  River.  On  November 
4,  1631,  he  obtained  through  the  Earl  of  Warwick  a 
patent^®  for  one  thousand  five  hundred  acres  and  pro- 
posed to  settle  there  with  his  wife  and  family;  a settle- 
ment was  founded  on  the  grant  and  received  the  name 
of  Black  Point.  Sussex  Camock  had  had  a good  deal  of 
experience  as  a commander  of  privateers  and  his  name 
appears  frequently  in  the  registers  of  letters  of  marque 
as  the  master  of  ships  belonging  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

25“Eeeords  of  the  Council  for  New  England,”  4 Nov.,  1631,  Proc.  of 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  1867;  Doyle’s  Puritan  Colonies,  I,  324. 


142 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


He  had  accompanied  his  patron  on  his  disastrous 
expedition  against  the  Plate  Fleet  in  1627. 

Active  preparations  for  the  voyage  went  on  through 
May  and  June,  1633,  the  arms  and  provisions  being  got 
ready  and  shipped  on  board  the  Golden  Falcon  at  Dart- 
mouth. The  vessel  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
Joseph  Collins  as  master,  with  Sussex  Camock  as  captain 
and  in  command  of  the  passengers.  These  were  of  a 
much  better  class  than  those  sent  out  in  the  Elizabeth 
and  the  Pole  and  many  of  them  were  strong  Puritans. 
They  were  followers  of  a nonconformist  minister,  the 
Rev.  Henry  Root,^®.  and  were  the  last  distinctively  Puri- 
tan emigrants  to  reach  Providence  from  England.  The 
Golden  Falcon  had  orders  to  call  first  at  the  Dutch  island 
of  St.  Martin’s,  where  she  was  to  take  on  board  a supply 
of  salt  for  Providence ; if  salt  could  not  be  obtained  there 
at  a reasonable  price,  the  master  was  to  purchase  it  at 
Cape  San  Nicolas  or  one  of  the  other  salt  pans,  which  the 
Dutch  were  working  upon  the  northern  shore  of  His- 
paniola. Having  called  at  Association  to  take  on  board 
three  pieces  of  the  company’s  ordnance  that  had  been 
left  there,  the  master  was  to  steer  for  Providence  and 
to  deliver  to  Gov.  Bell  the  company’s  letters,  to  land  his 
passengers,  and  then  to  proceed  under  the  entire  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Camock  to  the  cape,  where  the  Golden 
Falcon  was  to  be  placed  and  remain  at  his  disposal. 

It  is  impossible  to  enter  into  the  many  details  of  the 
instructions  given  by  Treasurer  Pym  to  Camock  for  the 
management  of  the  new  trade,  as  they  fill  six  closely 
written  folio  pages  of  the  company’s  letter  book,  and 
though  they  abound  in  interesting  details  concerning 
the  commodities  to  be  searched  for  and  the  procedure  to 

28  Calamy,  Nonconformist’s  Memorial,  II,  450,  gives  some  account  of 
Eoot  and  says  that  in  early  life  he  was  a considerable  traveller.  From 
1645  to  1662  he  ministered  at  Sowerby  and  died  there. 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


143 


be  adopted,  we  must  confine  our  attention  to  the  general 
directions  given.  Capt.  Camock  was  directed  to  “set” 
with  his  company  upon  Cape  Gracias  a Dios,  there  to 
discover  and  maintain  a trade  with  the  natives ; he  was 
to  search  out  a fit  place  in  which  to  establish  a perma- 
nent colony  for  trade  and  plantation.  “And,”  say  the 
company,  “because  the  hope  of  the  business  most  spe- 
cially depends  upon  God’s  blessing,  therefore  we  pray 
and  require  you  to  make  it  your  first  and  principal  care 
to  carry  God  along  with  you  in  all  places  by  the  diligent 
performance  of  holy  duties  in  your  own  person  and  by 
setting  up  and  preserving  the  true  worship  of  God  in 
the  hearts  and  lives  of  all  your  company,  so  far  as  you 
shall  be  able.  Also  to  restrain  and  prevent  to  your 
utmost  power  all  sins  and  disorders,  as  swearing,  drunk- 
enness, uncleanness  or  the  like,  which  will  render  the 
name  of  Christians  odious  to  the  very  heathen  and  be 
infinitely  prejudicial  to  the  business  you  take  in  hand 
by  drawing  the  curse  of  God  upon  your  endeavours.  . . . 
You  are  to  endear  yourselves  with  the  Indians  and  their 
commanders  and  we  conjure  you  to  be  friendly  and  cause 
no  jealousy.”  Among  the  many  exhortations  as  to  the 
proper  treatment  of  native  races  that  have  been  sent 
forth  from  England  to  the  pioneers  of  her  empire,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  a loftier  yet  simpler  exordium 
than  these  words  of  Pym,  and  never,  perhaps,  has  so 
lasting  a friendship  existed  between  Englishmen  and  a 
native  race  as  that  which,  since  these  words  were  penned, 
has  subsisted  between  Englishmen  and  the  Indian  tribes 
of  the  Moskito  Coast. 

The  eastern  coast  of  Central  America  lying  opposite 
the  Island  of  Providence  has,  even  to  this  day,  been  very 
little  explored  and  never  properly  mapped.  It  is  in- 
habited by  various  Indian  tribes  grouped  under  the 


144 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


generic  name  of  Moskitos,^^  but  all  closely  allied  to  the 
Caribs  of  the  Lesser  Antilles.  The  first  Europeans  to 
come  into  contact  with  them  were  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  and 
Diego  de  Nuesca,  the  conquerors  of  Nicaragua,  whose 
arms  were  repulsed  by  the  MosMtos  and  who  never  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  a footing  in  their  territory.  A 
deadly  hatred  had  always  subsisted  between  the  Moskitos 
and  the  Spaniards  and,  even  as  early  as  Drake’s  voyages, 
we  find  them,  as  well  as  the  Darien  Indians,  fraternising 
with  and  assisting  the  Spaniards’  most  implacable 
enemies,  the  English  corsairs.  To  the  relations  estab- 
lished with  the  Moskitos  by  Bell  and  Camock  we  may 
attribute  the  close  friendship  that  bound  them  to  Eng- 
land throughout  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centu- 
ries, a friendship  that  at  times  during  the  eighteenth 
century  had  an  important  influence  upon  West  Indian 
affairs.  The  protectorate  exercised  by  England  over  the 
Moskito  Territory,  or  Moskito  Coast  Reserve,  was  only 
finally  relinquished  as  late  as  1900.^® 

The  Indians  were  accustomed  to  come  over  to  Provi- 
dence at  certain  periods  of  the  year  for  fishing  and  Gov. 
Bell  was  directed  not  to  interfere  with  this  practice. 
A small  number  of  them  might  be  persuaded  to  stay  in 
the  island,  “but,”  wrote  Pym,  “they  must  be  free  men 
drawn  to  work  by  reward  and  they  must  be  entertained 
by  kind  usage  and  be  at  liberty  to  return  at  pleasure.” 
Missionary  efforts  were  to  be  made  among  them  and  no 
idolatrous  worship  was  to  be  permitted  in  the  island 
“that  so  there  shall  be  no  mixture  of  Paganism  with 

27  This  name  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  name  of  the  familiar  Anopheles 
or  Mosquito.  It  is  probably  a corruption  of  a native  word  and  should  be 
written  more  accurately  Miskito.  Beport  of  Prussian  Comm.,  on  Moskito 
Territory.  1845. 

28  The  well-known  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  of  1850,  abrogated  by  the 
Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty  of  1900,  governed  English  relations  with  this  part 
of  Central  America  throughout  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


THt  MOSKITO  COAST 


Vivorilla 


0 ^ 'n  Caxones 


^ LiUUCorn  1. 


Great  Corn  1. 


Princijaal  MoutK 


^ % K f 


■ 'i>t 


■ 


r ^ r%ft1fTAN 


^ Tip  ';.  TgAPD  O.Tt^^OK  i> 


. »’  *N*  .y  ^ - ■•-  '-■••—  -’  r • , • '^  ' .'  V 

U«  Le«8er  'i«- 

^ eontant  d# 

♦k^  5tiuj3<»,  whoso 

mti'  r<*i.iu<Mfe>  f15f  A1,«j^tos  4S<<  wii<.  wvdf|aiu 
Ml  'm  thoir  to 


y. 


JU.T»d  Uw  ^ Qorif  flS 

ir<.  find  ihctu,  AS  'rim  aV’Vl 


fn-  Hl#u  . «W  rv..  «r  ^ ^ 

Ur'it.H  wid  nssistmg  ths 


h 


♦fiicoiiftH*  tho  Riiglifih  0Oi|«%il^. 
lisJiod  irlth  U»o  e 

fttld^mi»  :tiie  c1os»  ^ 

Imtd  Jj^  dughout,  the  aovs4e«ft^  hi\  olg 
friwids)!lp  th/it  «t 

ooptu^y  bad  aa  importimt' Msaeec^ 
affdira.  The  pi>)tttoi;oirBte  exemsedi^ 
Moeldto  Territ<>Ky»  or  Moskito  Goaal:  iio 
fUiAliy  reIiivi3,ali»Hed  as  late  «f  195q,** 

Tbo  ftcetwtotb'i'd  loi,eo'. 


rolatio«»  tuitah^ 
e luay^  ^’* 
tfr  Enjf^’  y 
oei 


Indiiwi'’ 
JlftniTover  the" 
was  only; 


I'Ur* 


and 


•mi 


Bidi  na**  dir««t.>i  hot  wil^^ 

A sm«il  RwilH*r  of  them  niixht  be  o ilay  hi 

Iha  Island,  '*bu4'"^**ota  I ’^xSrei^tVoy  tor  >>e  free  moii  . 
draien  to  wurk  rAward  ttod  tli‘e|r  rnjtei^-^fA^itejiAined/^^ 
by  '-swdr'wa^  and  he  Xt  liVeW9a(0'  j*ot’ 

OT^i^iiry  feiTorts  made  w 

idolairona  worship  perwitt 

"HbaV  so  there  phall,  be  naf  mijcfeire  of 

?r  [.:■■  ^ 

T " B%nvi»  h*B  notUlng  to  do  rSti* 

W-'ia  i''  ^ ^ Jn  pTfl'^Uty  tt  MTTuytl<m  »t  it  Spfem 

wraif'^  h^Vito.  ■ ,*f  ih'vmiau. 

t^fUtsfy.  iM$. 


tU  I s 


haBOt«r*’^ 
aiu  aud  no.: 
>nd 
witV 


•iW  A««|?i^rk#\ 
or^  4M3  t4o't)4  bo?4 
(M  tfooMtO’’ 


»»i3((i>‘  'ttmr  *f  *J.rofr*t«4'  hjr  U» 


*■  ^1,4.  V O^IWl  Aiftti’kn  iJtA  Wtw'Jf.'Tt  .4  1>»#  et*rJaf,y  ': 

■ v’*'' -“^  '•■■  V" 

jrW'VjCr  \ 'tkli'.  ,’f  ■'  Vi'  ,'  ' , i'll  '|4  V V^VSKMlHa^  ' Ld^  .’S'U 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  COMPANY 


145 


the  pure  religion  of  Almighty  God.  ’ ’ Both  Camock  and 
Bell  received  the  most  explicit  directions  that  the  Mos- 
kitos  were  never  to  be  furnished  with  the  means  of 
practising  the  use  of  gunpowder. 


CHAPTER  VI 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY  IN  ASSOCIA- 
TION AND  PROVIDENCE 

The  fullness  of  the  directions  despatched  by  the  com- 
pany to  the  colony  in  reference  to  the  raising  of  commodi- 
ties and  their  preparation  for  the  market  is  a noticeable 
feature  of  the  records  we  are  dealing  with.  Page  after 
page  of  the  company’s  letter  book  is  devoted  to  com- 
ments on  the  method  of  cultivation  to  be  adopted,  the 
commodities  to  be  sought  for  and  the  sources  whence 
they  might  be  obtained,  and  not  merely  did  the  company 
(or  rather  Pym)  thus  give  counsel  to  the  settlers,  but 
the  greatest  trouble  was  also  taken  to  secure  for  them 
plants  and  seeds,  tools  and  appliances  from  all  quarters, 
these  being  forwarded  with  the  fullest  directions  for 
their  use.  We  repeatedly  find  in  the  letters  directions  for 
the  planters  to  communicate  with  Pym  in  cases  of  doubt 
concerning  the  growth  or  preparation  of  a commodity, 
and  it  seems  no  unwarrantable  assumption  to  credit 
him  with  the  authorship  of  the  general  directions  sent 
to  the  company’s  servants.  The  details  as  to  the  various 
commodities  tried  and  the  success  achieved  form  too 
large  a subject  to  be  entered  upon  here,  though  they 
provide  a valuable  source  of  information  and  material 
to  be  considered  in  connection  with  a study  of  the  gen- 
eral early  economic  history  of  the  European  colonies  in 
the  West  Indies.^  We  must  be  content  to  summarise  the 

1 The  information  available  is  similar  to  that  used  by  Bruce  in  his 
Economic  History  of  Virginia  in  the  17th  Century,  2 vols.  New  York, 
1896.  Interesting  comparisons  might  be  drawn  from  Weeden’s  Economic 
and  Social  History  of  New  England,  2 vols.  Boston,  1890. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


147 


main  results  obtained  during  the  first  five  years  of  the 
colony’s  life,  though  in  the  end  these  results  proved  very 
small. 

As  we  have  seen  tobacco  was  the  first  crop  attempted 
by  the  planters  from  Bermuda  and  proved  of  very  fair 
quality.  That  raised  between  January  and  August  was 
as  good  as  any  made  in  the  Indies  if,  after  the  Spanish 
method,  it  were  kept  to  mature  for  a year  before  expor- 
tation. But  insufficient  care  was  devoted  to  the  sorting 
and  packing  and  in  consequence  only  a very  poor  price 
could  be  obtained  in  England.  The  company  had  a strong 
objection  to  tobacco-growing  as  the  staple  industry  of 
the  colony,  based  partly  upon  economic  grounds  and 
partly  upon  religious  scruples,  and  their  language  is 
reminiscent  of  that  used  by  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Company  in  their  first  general  letter  to  Gov.  Endecott 
“[The  tobacco]  trade  is  by  the  Company  generally  dis- 
avowed and  utterly  disclaimed  by  some  of  the  greatest 
adventurers  amongst  us,  who  absolutely  declared  them- 
selves unwilling  to  have  any  hand  in  this  plantation,  if 
we  intend  to  cherish  or  permit  the  planting  of  the  noxious 
weed.”  Circumstances  in  Providence,  however,  proved 
too  strong  for  the  company  and  tobacco  was  always  the 
principal  export  from  the  island.  Two  sorts  of  cotton 
were  found  growing  wild  in  the  island,  one  of  short  and 
the  other  of  long  staple,  and  both  were  cultivated,  as  well 
as  varieties  obtained  from  Jamaica  and  Barbadoes. 
Here  again,  however,  the  disinclination  of  the  planters 
to  take  trouble  in  preparing  and  packing  the  product 
prevented  a fair  price  being  obtained  for  it  in  England. 
The  company  were  continually  urging  the  colonists  to 
search  for  a staple  commodity  suitable  for  growth  in  the 
island,  and  offered  large  rewards  for  its  discovery,  but 
without  success.  It  was  thought  that  a profitable  staple 

2 Archceologia  Americana,  III,  82,  17  April,  1629. 


148 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


commodity  had  been  discovered  in  silk-grass,  or  as  the 
company  called  it,  “Camock’s  flax,”  which  grew  wild  in 
the  forests  of  the  Main.  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
fibre  which  is  now  known  as  henequen  or  sisal  hemp,® 
derived  from  the  fleshy  leaves  of  a species  of  agave 
growing  largely  in  Central  America.  The  first  samples 
were  sent  home  from  the  cape  by  Camock  in  1634  and 
were  submitted  by  Pym  to  several  experienced  trades- 
men; after  a careful  examination  it  was  declared  by 
them  to  be  fit  for  several  manufactures  and  worth  about 
four  shillings  a pound.  Bell  was  informed  that  “experi- 
ment upon  a small  quantity  of  the  silk-grass  sent  from 
the  Main  shows  it  to  be  a very  excellent  staple  com- 
modity, vendible  in  greater  abundance  than  you  shall  be 
able  to  send  it  us  and  at  a price  to  exceed  our  hopes. 
May  God’s  blessing  rest  upon  it  as  a merchandize  abun- 
dantly sufficient  to  give  both  us  and  you  contentment.” 
The  great  difficulty  concerning  the  fibre  was  the  extrac- 
tion of  it  from  the  rind  of  the  leaf;  experiments  were 
carried  out  both  in  England  and  in  Providence  under 
Pym’s  direction  and  some  success  was  obtained.  After 
a few  years’  trial  of  the  fibre  in  the  European  markets, 
the  company  resolved  to  undertake  the  production  of  it 
on  a large  scale  and  to  obtain  a patent  for  its  manufac- 
ture. To  this  subject  we  will  return  in  a later  chapter. 

Madder  and  indigo  planting  were  both  tried  in  a half- 
hearted sort  of  way,  but  the  inability  of  the  planters  to 
work  their  land  satisfactorily  with  the  aid  only  of 
Englishmen  in  so  warm  a climate  threw  them  back  upon 
tobacco  and  cotton  as  their  staple  crops,  since  these 
required  less  labour  than  other  commodities.  The  most 
valuable  exports  from  the  island  were  mainly  dye-woods 
obtained  in  small  quantities  in  the  forests  of  Providence 
and  in  larger  quantities  by  traffic  with  the  Moskito 

3 Chisholm,  Bandbook  of  Commercial  Geography,  p.  145. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


149 


Indians.  Negroes  were  first  introduced  into  Providence 
from  Association  in  1633  and  thenceforward  the  number 
of  them  in  the  island  was  a continually  increasing  one, 
and  they  began  before  long  to  be  a real  danger  to  the 
safety  of  the  community.  While  the  owning  of  negroes 
as  slaves  occasioned  not  the  slightest  misgiving  to  the 
strict  Puritans  in  the  company,  the  minds  of  some  of 
the  Puritan  party  in  the  island  were  by  no  means  at  rest 
and  one  of  them  at  least,  Samuel  Rishworth,  held  such 
strong  views  against  slavery  that  he  began  to  play  the 
part  of  “abolitionist”  and  to  aid  the  negroes  in  escaping 
to  liberty.  His  views  seem  to  have  been  similar  to  those 
of  Roger  Williams  of  Rhode  Island  and,  needless  to  say, 
were  not  tolerated  either  by  the  company  or  by  the 
planters.  “We  fear  that  the  running  away  of  the  negroes 
may  be  of  very  ill  consequence  and  do  utterly  mislike 
Mr.  Rishworth ’s  behaviour  in  promising  to  treat  about 
their  liberty  if  it  were  such  as  you  conceive  and  the  same 
is  represented  to  us  in  your  letter,  it  being  both  indiscreet 
(arising  as  it  seems  from  a groundless  opinion  that 
Christians  may  not  lawfully  keep  such  persons  in  a state 
of  servitude  during  their  strangeness  from  Christianity) 
and  also  injurious  to  ourselves,  whose  service  he  hath 
made  them  disaffected  to,  and  to  their  particular  mas- 
ters, who  should  have  been  advised  withal  before  any 
overture  touching  their  liberty.”  Rishworth  is  to  be 
admonished  that  he  is  to  mend  his  behaviour  and  to  learn 
that  “Religion  consists  not  so  much  in  an  outward  con- 
formity of  actions  as  in  truth  of  the  inward  parts,” — 
surely  an  odd  argument  in  favour  of  slave-holding.  It 
was  only  on  rare  occasions  that  the  negroes  could  suc- 
ceed in  escaping  from  the  island,  but  a good  number  of 
them  managed  to  flee  into  the  woods  and  there  they 
preserved  a precarious  existence.  The  planters’  life  was 
occasionally  enlivened  by  a hunt  after  these  poor  savages 


150 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and,  though  very  few  were  recaptured,  their  huts  were 
discovered  and  burnt  amid  great  rejoicing.  Their  head- 
quarters seems  to  have  been  in  a lofty  valley,  known  as 
the  “Palmetto  Grove,”  in  the  southeast  of  the  island, 
and  on  two  or  three  occasions  they  were  driven  thence 
and  forced  to  disperse  into  the  adjacent  forests. 

The  thorough  exploration  that  the  island  had  received 
showed  that  it  contained  some  three  or  four  thousand 
acres  of  very  fertile  land  and  about  four  thousand  more 
acres  of  land  suitable  for  planting  but  not  as  fertile; 
the  rest  of  the  island  consisted  of  rocky  hills  and  shore 
unfit  for  cultivation.  The  forests  clothing  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  hills  contained  cedars  and  other  varieties 
of  hard  wood,  but  the  supply  in  1634  was  beginning  to 
run  short  and  the  colonists  obtained  better  wood  from 
Henrietta  Island,  where  some  shallops  were  built  with 
the  aid  of  Dutch  shipwrights.  In  very  dry  seasons  the 
brooks  in  the  island  ran  dry  and  care  had  to  be  taken 
to  husband  the  water  from  the  springs.  Potatoes  flour- 
ished well  and  were  a principal  article  of  the  planters’ 
diet;  cassava,  plantains,  pines,  oranges,  bananas,  and 
melons  flourished  exceedingly,  hut  figs  and  vines  proved 
indifferent.  Fishing  was  profitable  and  turtles  were 
obtained  in  abundance  on  the  neighbouring  cays.  The 
planters  found  that  since  their  plantations  were  not 
enclosed,  they  had  a good  deal  of  difficulty  in  rearing 
the  cattle  sent  from  England  and  from  Tortuga,  and  in 
1634  they  had  only  twelve  beasts.  Sheep  they  could  not 
rear  at  all,  but  hogs  were  many,  and  of  poultry  they  had 
great  store.  At  the  beginning  of  1635  there  were  five 
hundred  white  men  in  the  island,  including  a few  Dutch- 
men, and  some  forty  white  women  with  a few  children. 
The  negroes  then  numbered  ninety.  The  dwellings  of  the 
planters  were  dispersed  upon  their  plantations  about 
the  island  and  were  substantially  built  of  timber;  at 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


151 


New  Westminster  near  the  harbour  there  was  a village 
of  some  thirty  well-constructed  houses  surrounding  a 
commodious  brick-built  church  and  a governor’s  house, 
also  of  brick. 

The  ever-present  fear  of  the  settlers  was  of  attack 
from  the  Spaniards  and  great  precautions  had  to  be 
taken  to  perfect  the  fortifications  required  to  repel  such 
attack.  The  island  possessed  forty  pieces  of  ordnance 
mounted  in  thirteen  or  fourteen  fortified  places,  and  no 
ship  or  boat  could  approach  the  island  but  within  the 
command  of  two  or  three  forts.  For  the  garrison  of 
each  of  these  forts  the  neighbouring  planters  were 
assigned  with  their  servants  and  they  were  expected  to 
muster  at  least  once  a week  for  drill  under  the  command 
of  their  captain  and  his  lieutenants,  whose  plantations 
lay  close  to  the  fort.  A gunner,  paid  by  the  company 
£20  or  £40  a year  besides  his  land,  was  in  charge  of  the 
ordnance  at  each  fort  and  was  accustomed  to  give  the 
planters  regular  instruction  in  musketry.  The  colo- 
nists had  some  dozen  or  so  shallops  which  they  used 
ostensibly  for  fishing,  but  also  unfortunately  for  less 
legitimate  purposes. 

It  has  been  shown  above  that  the  pinnace  Elizabeth, 
which  had  originally  been  intended  for  the  discovery  of 
Fonseca,  was  in  April,  1633,  sent  to  Tortuga  with  direc- 
tions to  Gov.  Hilton  to  attempt  a trade  with  the  Indians 
at  Darien.  Such  orders,  however,  did  not  suit  Hilton’s 
purpose  and  he  preferred  to  remain  in  Tortuga  and 
drive  a profitable  trade  in  the  company’s  wood  with 
French  and  Dutch  ships.  He  proved  utterly  unscrupu- 
lous in  his  dealings  with  the  company  and  they  found 
it  quite  impossible  to  secure  any  payment  for  the  maga- 
zines they  had  despatched  to  him,  even  though  they 
attempted  by  legal  process  in  Holland  to  arrest  ships 
coming  from  Tortuga  with  their  wood.  Two  or  three 


152 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


cargoes  he  certainly  did  send  to  the  company’s  agents 
at  Middleburg  and  these  were  disposed  of  to  the  cele- 
brated London  merchant,  Abraham  Chamberlayne,^  who 
sold  the  wood  to  dyers  in  Rouen.  It  was  bought  by 
sample  and  guaranteed  by  Hilton  to  be  of  uniform 
quality,  but  proved  in  reality  to  be  nothing  of  the  kind, 
and  the  company  was  involved  in  a long  and  unpleasant 
dispute  with  Chamberlayne,  who  practically  accused 
them  of  bad  faith,  and  the  dispute  had  to  be  finally  com- 
promised at  a considerable  reduction  on  the  contract 
price  of  £23  per  ton.  Hilton’s  behaviour  to  the  colonists 
sent  out  by  the  company  was  very  unsatisfactory  and 
we  find,  from  a letter  sent  by  Samuel  Filby  from  Asso- 
ciation to  Sir  Thomas  Barrington,®  that  he  was  seizing 
all  the  tobacco  raised  in  the  island  and  converting  it  to 
his  own  profit.  Tortuga  was  very  unhealthy  and  almost 
all  the  English  emigrants  had  perished  from  fever  by 
the  middle  of  1634.  But  not  merely  was  Hilton  in  hot 
water  with  the  company,  he  had  left  a large  number  of 
debts  unpaid  in  Nevis  and  St.  Christopher,  and  his 
creditors  were  talking  of  arresting  the  company’s  ships 
there  in  order  to  secure  payment.  Thomas  Littleton,  the 
financier  of  Hilton’s  first  voyage,  even  went  so  far  as 
to  cause  the  arrest  of  Capt.  Richard  Bragg,  one  of  the 
Tortuga  adventurers,  who  was  in  Nevis  in  order  to  obtain 
recruits  and  trade  goods  for  the  company’s  Darien  trade. 
Littleton  also  threatened  to  bring  a suit  against  the  com- 
pany to  recover  Hilton’s  debts  in  the  English  courts, 
but  they  refused  point-blank  to  have  anything  to  do  with 
the  matter  and,  in  the  face  of  this  direct  refusal,  Littleton 
took  no  further  steps.  The  company’s  patience  with 
Hilton  was  at  lengih  exhausted  and  in  1634  directions 

♦ Brown,  Genesis,  II,  852,  gives  his  biography;  see  also  Visit,  of  London, 
I,  148. 

5 Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2646,  fo.  67. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


153 


were  sent  out  for  his  supersession;  if  it  were  found  that 
the  conditions  in  Tortuga  were  too  bad  to  atford  any 
likelihood  of  improvement,  the  remaining  inhabitants 
were  to  be  transported  to  Providence  and  the  company’s 
ordnance  removed.  Before  these  instructions  had  been 
long  despatched,  the  company  received  word  of  Hilton’s 
death  in  the  island  and  of  the  accession  of  Christopher 
Wormeley  to  the  governorship;  more  of  Hilton’s  mis- 
doings now  came  to  light  and  it  was  found  that  he  had 
been  making  Tortuga  into  a regular  rendezvous  for 
rovers  of  all  nationalities. 

A certain  ship,  the  Hunter,  had  been  purchased  in 
Rotterdam  and  victualed  and  armed  at  Dover  by  a 
Capt.  Powell  and  Thomas  Newman,  financed  by  the 
brother  of  the  latter,  a London  merchant,  one  Lionel 
Newman.  Some  part  of  the  ordnance  was  supplied  by 
John  Hart,  the  Providence  Company’s  husband,  without 
authorisation.  The  vessel  sailed  from  Dover  late  in 
1632  or  early  in  1633  with  a few  passengers  for  Tortuga, 
ostensibly  on  a peaceable  voyage  to  cut  wood  there ; just 
before  sailing,  however,  the  leaders  announced  that  they 
held  letters  of  marque  from  the  Prince  of  Orange  against 
the  Spaniards,  but  they  did  not  show  them  to  anyone. 
Near  the  Canary  Islands  they  attacked  and  captured 
two  Spanish  vessels,  and  on  reaching  Tortuga  they  fitted 
out  one  of  these  as  a man-of-war  and  set  sail  on  a roving 
cruise  in  the  Mona  and  Windward  passages  to  lie  in 
wait  for  Spanish  ships.  They  returned  now  and  again 
to  Tortuga  for  fresh  water,  etc.,  and  really  made  it  a 
headquarters  for  their  piratical  enterprise.  Gov.  Hilton 
gave  them  every  encouragement,  as  he  did  to  other  rovers, 
French  and  Dutch,  that  came  in.  On  the  Hunter’s  return 
to  Europe  in  December,  1634,  the  booty  was  unloaded 
at  Rotterdam,  and  the  Spanish  government,  hearing  of 
the  matter,  at  once  protested  to  the  English  authorities 


154 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


against  their  countenancing  such  piracy  under  cloak  of 
the  Providence  Company,  The  parties  were  cited  to 
appear  before  the  Admiralty  Court  and  there  examined, 
so  that  the  whole  matter  became  public.® 

Although  rovers  were  not  received  at  Providence  in 
quite  so  open  a fashion  as  at  Tortuga  and  though  Grov. 
Bell  in  one  or  two  instances  refused  harbourage  to  Dutch 
ships  whose  credentials  were  not  quite  satisfactory,  yet 
the  fact  that  Dutch  men-of-war  (or,  as  we  should  now 
call  them,  privateers)  frequently  touched  at  the  island 
and  sometimes  sold  the  colonists  captured  Spanish 
ordnance,  was  sufficient  to  implicate  the  island  as  a 
harbourage  for  pirates.  The  proceedings  of  some  of 
the  colonists  themselves  were  by  no  means  above 
reproach;  Elfrith  had  been  despatched  on  a voyage  to 
various  parts  of  the  West  Indies  in  1631  and  1632  to 
secure  plants  and  trees  suitable  to  raise  in  the  island, 
and  although  he  knew  that  peace  had  been  proclaimed 
between  England  and  Spain  in  November,  1630,  and 
though  his  commission  and  instructions  explicitly  for- 
bade him  to  execute  any  hostile  acts  except  in  self- 
defence,  he  did  not  scruple  to  attack  and  plunder  any 
small  Spanish  vessels  he  came  across.  His  own  vessel 
being  unseaworthy,  in  1632  he  seized  a Spanish  frigate^ 
lying  in  one  of  the  Jamaican  harbours,  leaving  his  pin- 
nace in  exchange.  The  company  got  wind  of  this  and 
severely  rated  him  for  running  such  risks  and  for  endan- 
gering the  safety  of  the  colony  by  his  proceedings.  The 
reproof  had  little  effect,  but  he  took  good  care  not  to  let 
the  company  know  of  his  further  enterprises. 

The  news  of  Elfrith ’s  piratical  proceedings  and  the 
reports  brought  home  by  the  masters  of  the  company’s 

6 The  principal  depositions  are  to  be  found  in  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  Vol. 
282,  Nos.  89  and  90.  Others  are  among  the  Admiralty  Court  Eeeords. 

7 Frigates  were  small  decked  vessels  of  about  thirty  tons  burthen. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


155 


ships  of  the  difficulty  they  had  had  in  procuring  a return 
cargo  from  Providence  owing  to  the  sale  by  the  colonists 
of  all  their  produce  to  the  Dutch,  caused  the  company 
much  uneasiness.  They  had,  of  course,  known  that  in 
settling  an  island  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Indies,  they 
were  laying  themselves  open  to  Spanish  attack,  but  they 
desired  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  any  proceedings  that 
would  put  them  in  the  wrong  with  the  English  govern- 
ment and  deprive  them  of  the  right  of  asking  for  national 
support  in  any  dispute  that  might  arise  with  Spain. 
Pym’s  directions  to  Bell,  however,  were  very  disin- 
genuous and  savoured  of  a desire  to  do  as  much  harm 
as  possible  to  Spain  without  running  any  risks.  If  any 
ordnance  taken  by  the  Dutch  were  offered  for  sale  to 
him,  he  was  to  purchase  it  in  exchange  for  commodities 
or  victuals,  but  he  was  to  destroy  as  far  as  possible  any 
evidence  of  its  origin.  Too  great  a resort  of  ships  to 
the  island  was  to  be  deprecated,  as  it  might  endanger  its 
safety,  but  if  a ship  came  in  for  relief,  he  might  grant 
it  at  a reasonable  charge.  The  restrictions  on  free  trade 
with  strange  ships  in  general  were  retained,  “lest  your 
measures  should  be  discovered  and  a greater  envy  of 
the  Spaniards  drawn  upon  you  for  being  a receptacle  and 
relief  to  their  enemies.”  We  must  remember  as  some 
palliation  of  this  double  dealing  that,  at  the  period  of 
which  we  write,  the  savage  war  between  the  United 
Provinces  and  Spain  was  still  being  waged,  a war 
wherein  at  sea  quarter  was  hardly  ever  granted  by  either 
side  to  its  adversaries,  wherein  every  Hollander  was 
regarded  as  a rebel  and  traitor  against  his  lawful  sov- 
ereign and  every  Spaniard  as  a sharer  in  the  guilt  of 
Alva  and  of  Philip.  It  was  perhaps  a maxim  of  English 
policy  that  there  was  “No  peace  beyond  the  line,”  but 
Englishmen  and  Spaniards  did  regard  one  another  as 
honourable  enemies  and  conducted  their  mutual  dealings 


156 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


with  reasonable  courtesy  and  a desire  to  avoid  unneces- 
sary cruelty ; no  measure,  however,  could  be  too  atrocious 
for  a Spaniard  or  a Hollander  to  employ  against  his 
hated  foe  and  not  for  many  years  were  the  bitter  memo- 
ries of  Haarlem  and  Alkmaar  assuaged.  Hence  the 
company’s  desire  that  Bell  should  not  identify  himself 
too  closely  with  Dutch  interests  was  merely  an  evidence 
of  statesmanlike  caution  and  prudence. 

The  company’s  uneasiness  concerning  the  safety  of 
the  island,  in  view  of  the  constant  rumours  of  Spanish 
preparations,  was  increased  by  the  reports  they  received 
of  dissensions  in  the  island.  Elfrith  and  Axe  had  dis- 
agreed in  1631  about  the  division  of  the  company’s  share 
of  the  first  planters’  tobacco,  and,  instead  of  showing 
signs  of  healing,  the  estrangement  had  become  wider  as 
time  went  on.  Elfrith  was  constantly  interfering  with 
Axe ’s  exercise  of  military  authority  and,  in  virtue  of  his 
position  as  admiral  of  the  island,  had  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing himself  a nuisance  to  everybody.  Axe  had  become 
so  disgusted  at  the  state  of  affairs  that  he  took  advantage 
of  Camoek’s  expedition  to  the  Main  to  leave  Providence 
for  the  time  being  and  settle  himself  on  the  largest  of 
the  Moskito  Cays,  lying  midway  between  Providence  and 
the  cape,  in  charge  of  Camock’s  depot  of  stores  and  pro- 
visions. This  was  a considerable  loss  to  the  colony,  for 
Axe  was  one  of  its  most  capable  officers.  Constant  little 
disagreements  were  arising  in  the  council  on  questions 
of  precedence  and  the  use  of  heated  language;  even  a 
slight  knowledge  of  New  England  history  would  convince 
us  that  a seventeenth  century  Puritan  was  a very  touchy 
person  and  the  numerous  discomforts  of  the  West  Indian 
climate  did  nothing  to  lessen  this  touchiness  in  Provi- 
dence. To  a modern  mind,  the  amount  of  trouble  the 
company  gave  themselves  in  clearing  up  some  of  these 
silly  disputes  seems  an  egregious  waste  of  energy. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


157 


Thomas  Hunt,  the  secretary  of  the  island,  was  accused 
to  the  company  at  home  of  what  were  called  “grave 
falsifications”  of  the  records,  but  when  we  examine  the 
charges  they  turn  out  to  involve  merely  a small  amount 
of  carelessness  and  inaccuracy.  He  had  omitted  to 
cancel  an  article  in  the  records  concerning  a charge  of 
Halhead  against  the  Rev.  Mr.  Rous  of  enticing  away  one 
of  his  servants;  he  had  sent  the  accusation  to  England 
and  had  omitted  the  servant’s  name,  he  had  entered 
depositions  on  the  matter  in  the  records  after  it  had  been 
remitted  to  the  company,  and  so  on.  And  yet  to  this 
puerile  charge  the  company  devoted  two  whole  meetings 
and  in  the  end  administered  to  Hunt  a reproof  of  por- 
tentous weight,  filling  two  closely  written  folio  pages  of 
the  letter  book.  Lieut.  William  Rous,  in  the  violence  of 
an  argument,  had  lost  his  temper  and  had  smacked  the 
face  of  Forman,  the  principal  smith  in  the  island;  he 
was  in  consequence  suspended  from  his  place  at  the 
council  table  until  he  should  acknowledge  his  fault.  Gov. 
Bell,  however,  who  found  Rous  too  useful  a member  of 
the  council  to  be  dispensed  with,  absolved  him  from  his 
fault  and  restored  him  to  his  seat  without  the  public 
apology,  but  the  company,  on  learning  of  the  matter, 
regarded  this  as  far  too  lenient  a way  of  dealing  with 
so  heinous  a fault.  It  was  ordered  that  Rous  be  sus- 
pended until  he  made  a public  acknowledgment  accord- 
ing to  the  censure,  and  that  the  governor  be  sharply 
reproved  for  having  “acted  in  an  undue  manner.”  The 
quaint  proviso  was  added  that  Rous’s  suspension  was 
not  to  involve  a suspension  from  training  his  men — the 
company’s  interests  must  not  be  neglected. 

But  it  was  not  always  with  such  insignificant  charges 
that  the  company  had  to  deal;  the  hot  West  Indian  sun 
sometimes  provoked  crimes  of  hideous  cruelty  and  vio- 
lence at  the  expense  of  a master’s  unfortunate  servants. 


158 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Capt.  William  Rudyerd  returned  to  England  in  the 
Golden  Falcon  in  May,  1634,  and  many  in  the  island 
breathed  more  freely  at  his  departure,  for  Rudyerd, 
during  his  three  years’  stay  in  Providence,  had  been 
noted  for  his  cruelty  to  his  servants.  One,  Fload,  had 
suffered  so  much  that  he  ran  away  from  the  plantation 
and  took  refuge  in  the  hills,  but  was  recaptured  and 
brought  back.  Though  he  was  suffering  from  scurvy, 
Rudyerd  beat  him  and  continued  to  treat  him  cruelly. 
A second  time  Fload  ran  away  and  complained  to  the 
governor  without  securing  redress ; Rudyerd  again 
recaptured  him,  had  him  tied  to  a tree  and  ordered  three 
other  servants  to  beat  him  with  rods  and  then  rub  salt 
into  his  wounds.  Poor  Fload  lingered  in  agony  for  six 
weeks  and  then  died  of  the  injuries  he  had  received. 
Rudyerd ’s  influence  with  the  company  was  sufficient  to 
save  him  from  punishment  for  his  misdeeds,  but  it  was 
evident  to  all  that  he  was  a very  unsuitable  officer  to 
wield  command. 

The  amount  of  real  crime  in  the  island  never  appears 
to  have  been  large  and  the  majority  of  the  offences  dealt 
with  by  the  council  were  small  offences  against  morality 
or  public  decency.  So  great  a part  of  the  council’s  time, 
however,  was  taken  up  in  dealing  with  judicial  business 
that  in  1633  the  company  directed  that  justices  of  the 
peace  should  be  appointed  to  deal  with  petty  matters 
of  police;  only  grave  crimes  were  to  be  tried  before  the 
governor  in  council.  As  time  went  on  a small  class 
of  independent  shopkeepers  grew  up  in  the  island,  who 
bought  the  stores  and  provisions  brought  by  the  com- 
pany’s or  by  strangers’  ships,  and  disposed  of  them  to 
the  colonists  at  a profit.  It  was  against  this  evil  of 
engrossing  rather  than  against  the  quality  of  goods  from 
the  company’s  stores  that  the  planters  complained  to 
the  company  after  the  first  two  years  of  the  colony’s 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


159 


existence.  Pym’s  constant  care  and  supervision  seem 
to  have  ensured  that  the  goods  sent  out  in  the  company’s 
magazine  were  reasonable  in  price  and  of  good  quality. 
In  order  to  guard  against  the  evils  of  which  the  planters 
complained,  careful  regulations  were  drawn  up  to  ensure 
that  these  goods  should  be  sold  on  their  arrival  in  a free 
and  open  market,  but  engrossing  still  occurred  until 
the  constant  resort  of  ships  to  the  island  and  the 
removal  of  restrictions  on  trade  with  strangers  prac- 
tically brought  effective  competition  into  play  and  the 
evils  were  automatically  removed. 

The  company  had  to  fight  hard  against  a system  that 
was  always  tending  to  increase,  whereby  a planter,  hav- 
ing started  a plantation  in  the  island,  placed  in  charge 
of  it  an  overseer  who  was  to  work  it  with  negroes  or 
white  servants  and  to  forward  the  profits  to  the  owner, 
who  had  returned  to  England.  This  system  was  evi- 
dently a bad  one  and  the  company  attempted  to  check 
it  by  enacting  that  while  planters  were  at  liberty  to  let 
their  plantations  and  the  servants,  who  worked  them,  as 
long  as  they  remained  in  the  island,  as  soon  as  they 
departed  all  their  interest  in  the  plantation  was  to  cease, 
and  the  plantation  to  escheat  to  the  company.  In  special 
circumstances,  permission  might  be  granted  for  a planter 
to  come  home,  provided  he  promised  to  return  to  Provi- 
dence by  the  next  ship,  and  in  such  a case  he  might  let 
his  plantation  for  the  period  of  his  absence.  It  was  the 
fixed  intention  of  the  leaders  that  the  colony  should  not 
become  what  Barbadoes  was  already  fast  becoming,  a 
colony  almost  wholly  in  the  hands  of  servants  and  factors 
and  owned  by  absentee  landlords. 

It  must  have  become  evident  in  the  course  of  our 
enquiry  that  many  causes  were  tending  to  form  Provi- 
dence into  something  very  different  from  the  ideal  Puri- 
tan community  aimed  at  by  its  English  founders.  Not 


160 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  least  of  these  causes  were  the  intolerance  and  narrow- 
ness of  the  Puritan  ministers  and  their  constant  en- 
croachments upon  the  civil  power.  The  defect  seems  to 
have  been  inherent  in  the  Puritan  temper,  for  we  may 
note  it  at  work  in  New  England,  in  Scotland,  and  in  other 
Calvinist  communities.  But  whereas  in  Massachusetts 
such  leaders  of  the  colony  as  Winthrop  and  Endecott, 
though  in  favour  of  theocracy,  had  yet  a strong  enough 
backing  of  public  opinion  to  limit  its  exercise  within 
reasonable  bounds,  in  the  tiny  Providence  community 
the  outrageous  claims  of  the  ministers  resulted  in  the 
formation  of  two  factions,  a small  body  of  zealots 
opposed  to  a large  party  that  had  lost  the  earnestness 
of  Puritanism  and  considered  solely  their  material  wel- 
fare. A quotation  or  two  from  the  records  will  illus- 
trate the  progressive  antagonising  of  many  of  the 
colonists  by  the  ministers  as  their  claims  became  more 
and  more  aggressive.  Henry  Halhead  was,  as  we  have 
shown,  a strong  Puritan  and  in  entire  sympathy  with 
the  views  of  the  company,  but  Ditloff  suspended  him 
from  the  sacrament  (1632),  “first  for  that  he  did  not 
redeliver  a stone  which  he  had  received  from  the 
Apothecary,  though  in  answer  he  alleged  that  he  sup- 
posed that  he  had  delivered  it,  howsoever  that  he  knew 
not  where  it  was,  yet  offered  to  make  any  honest  satis- 
faction. Secondly  for  affirming  to  himself  [Ditloff]  that 
Mate  Wells  was  a carnal  man  and  would  sometimes 
swear,  yet  to  others  that  he  was  an  honest  and  religious 
man,  and  afterwards  denying  to  him  that  he  used  the 
word  ‘carnal.’  ” The  disproportion  between  these  petty 
charges  and  the  punishment  meted  out  caused  the  com- 
pany to  write : ‘ ‘ Though  Mr.  Halhead  did  upon  answer 
again  affirm  that,  in  conference  with  Mr.  Ditloff,  he  did 
not  use  the  word  ‘carnal,’  we  think  it  an  unfitting  thing 
that  any  minister  should  keep  a man  from  the  Com- 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


161 


munion  for  the  foresaid  causes  alleged  in  your  letter, 
and  cannot  imagine  that  any  Minister  will  be  so  indis- 
creet as  to  do  the  like  hereafter  and  therefore  in  such 
cases  we  do  absolutely  forbid  it  to  be  done.”  The  com- 
pany further  decreed  that  censures  were  to  be  drawn 
up  by  the  civil  magistrates  and  only  if  they  are  to  be 
made  public  in  the  congregation  should  the  minister  be 
consulted.  Ditloff,  it  will  be  remembered,  left  the  island 
in  1633,  and  it  was  only  after  he  had  relinquished  entirely 
the  company’s  employment  that  they  learned  of  the  high- 
handed way  in  which  he  had  interfered  with  the  gov- 
ernor’s ordinances  concerning  the  management  of  his 
parish.  In  1634  the  company  wrote:  “We  commend 

Mr.  Sherrard  very  much  for  his  discreet  and  orderly 
carriage,  but  we  discommend  the  other  [Ditlotf]  in  all 
the  parts  of  those  proceedings,  conceiving  that  no 
authority  belongs  to  the  Ministers  or  Parishioners  of 
themselves  to  do  an  act  of  that  nature.  And  whereas  he 
claimed  such  a power  as  given  to  him  from  us  by  word 
of  mouth,  we  do  utterly  disclaim  it.  If  he  had  not  gone 
to  his  country,  we  would  have  punished  him.” 

Bell  had  had  a good  deal  of  experience  in  dealing  with 
cantankerous  ministers  in  the  Somers  Islands  and  did 
his  best  to  hold  an  even  balance  between  the  two  factions. 
He  attempted  in  as  far  as  he  was  able  to  carry  out  the 
company’s  desires  for  the  preservation  of  a rigid 
decorum  in  the  island,  but  he  found  it  very  difficult  to 
prevent  many  of  the  looser  sort  gathering  in  New  West- 
minster and  refusing  to  do  any  work  in  the  plantations. 
In  1634  the  company  wrote  that  those  who  would  not 
work  were  not  to  have  any  supplies  from  the  stores, 
“according  to  the  Apostle’s  rule — he  that  will  not 
labour,  let  him  not  eat.  Let  care  be  taken  that  diligence 
may  be  supplied  and  the  sluggard  clothed  with  rags.” 
They  very  much  approved  of  the  governor’s  proclama- 


162 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


tion  for  preventing  mixed  dances,  but  ‘ ‘ are  sorry  to  hear 
that,  notwithstanding  your  care  and  our  direction,  some 
have  the  boldness  to  speak  against  such  restraints.  If 
any  shall  appear  to  do  so  we  wish  that  they  may  be 
admonished,  it  showing  an  ill-affection  to  piety  and  an 
opposition  to  authority.  We  forbear  as  yet  to  send 
more  particular  directions  for  preventing  the  abuse  of 
God’s  creatures,  but  refer  it  to  you  at  present  to  take 
the  best  course  you  shall  be  able  and  to  advise  with  the 
ministers  to  second  your  authority  with  their  public 
exhortations.”  But  while  the  company  were  thus  ready 
to  back  up  the  governor  when  his  views  coincided  with 
their  own,  they  were  not  in  the  least  prepared  to  give 
him  a free  hand.  There  is  an  echo  of  the  constitutional 
struggle  in  England  in  the  reproof  addressed  to  Bell  in 
1634  for  his  use  of  an  independent  judgment.  The 
company  supported  him  against  the  councillors  who  had 
not  observed  the  respect  due  to  his  office,  and  they 
approved  the  discontinuance  of  his  personal  body-guard, 
of  which  the  cost  was  very  great,  but  they  go  on  to  say 
that  in  many  cases  he  seems  to  have  grounded  his 
authority  “upon  a supposed  privilege,  which  you  call 
Prerogative,  annexed  to  your  place.  Our  resolution  in 
that  point  will  appear  in  the  general  letter,  and  we  will 
only  add  here  that  we  know  no  such  thing  as  the  Gov- 
ernor’s Prerogative,  being  such  that  you  cannot  find  in 
our  Instruction,  neither  do  we  like  the  use  of  that  horrid 
word.  . . . Again  for  the  word  absolute  power,  we  do 
ntterly  dislike  the  language  and  therefore  would  not 
have  it  once  named,  the  same  tending  to  the  discourage- 
ment of  men’s  stay  and  coming  thither.”  Too  frequent 
meetings  of  the  council,  they  added,  caused  desertion  of 
the  councillors’  private  business  and  he  should  there- 
fore set  definite  times  for  them  and  not  vary  them  except 
in  extraordinary  circumstances.  The  meetings  must  be 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


163 


secret,  for  “it  suits  not  with  the  gravity  of  councillors 
to  discuss  their  affairs  of  counsel  in  the  audience  of  the 
country  especially  when  there  shall  arise  any  difference 
among  them.”  These  words  have  interest  when  we 
remember  that  they  were  penned  by  that  leader  of  the 
Long  Parliament  whose  speeches  were  the  first  parlia- 
mentary utterances  to  be  circulated  throughout  the 
nation  at  large  and  gave  an  immense  circulation  of  those 
gazettes  and  broadsheets  that  were  the  earliest  fore- 
runners of  the  modern  newspapers. 

The  dissensions  in  the  island  at  the  end  of  1634  were 
beginning  to  make  Bell’s  position  of  mediator  an  imprac- 
ticable one,  for,  while  on  the  one  hand  the  planters  were 
writing  home  to  the  company  accusing  him  of  caring 
rather  for  his  own  interests  than  those  of  the  company 
and  of  favouring  the  views  of  the  impracticable  ministers 
in  restraint  of  freedom  of  enterprise,  on  the  other  the 
ministers  were  accusing  him  of  impiety  and  despotism 
for  attempting  to  curb  their  pretensions.  Hope  Sherrard 
had  been  imprisoned  in  his  own  house  by  Bell  for  per- 
sistently flouting  the  authority  of  the  governor  and 
council,  and  by  stirring  up  his  more  fanatical  followers 
to  attack  those  planters  who  did  not  at  once  make  implicit 
submission  to  his  ecclesiastical  censures.® 

As  we  have  shown,  the  Golden  Falcon  carried  out  to 
Providence  in  July,  1633,  the  last  distinctively  Puritan 
emigrants  from  England,  under  the  command  of  a min- 
ister, Henry  Root.  The  conditions  Root  found  prevail- 
ing in  the  island  were  so  little  like  those  of  a strictly 
Puritan  community  that  he  refused  to  remain,  and 
returned  to  England  in  the  same  ship  in  May,  1634,  to 
voice  the  views  of  the  Puritan  faction  in  the  island  and 
to  open  the  eyes  of  the  company  to  the  impiety  and 

8 C'/.  Sherrard ’s  letter  of  February  25,  1635,  to  his  patron.  Sir  Thomas 
Barrington.  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2646,  fo.  76. 


164 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


laxity  that,  he  said,  were  rampant  and  with  which  Sher- 
rard  was  left  to  deal  single-handed.  Root’s  story  was 
supplemented  by  that  of  the  protagonist  of  the  other 
side,  William  Rudyerd,  who  stated  that  the  island  was 
not  in  itself  worth  the  keeping,  but  could  easily  be  forti- 
fied and  held  by  six  hundred  men  against  any  force  sent 
to  attack  it,  while  a hundred  ships  might  ride  safely  at 
anchor  in  its  harbour  under  the  command  of  the  ord- 
nance in  the  forts.  These  stories  must  have  been  a hard 
blow  to  Pym  and  the  more  strongly  Puritan  adven- 
turers, who  had  aimed  at  founding  an  ideal  Puritan 
community  for  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed,  and  had 
found  that  they  had  sunk  their  money  in  a colony  that 
appeared  good  for  nothing  but  a privateer’s  stronghold. 
Root  proposed  to  return  to  the  island  with  a large  party 
of  Puritans,  if  the  company  would  give  him  a free  hand 
in  expelling  those  whose  life  and  conduct  did  not  con- 
form to  the  most  rigid  Puritan  standard.  Such  expul- 
sions had  already  been  frequent  in  Massachusetts  Bay, 
as  was  of  course  well  known  to  the  company.  Root’s 
proposals  were  fully  and  carefully  considered,  but  before 
a conclusion  could  be  arrived  at,  many  events  had  taken 
place  that  forced  the  hand  of  the  company,  and  these  we 
must  now  consider. 

The  coast  of  the  province  of  Honduras,  which  at  first 
runs  practically  due  east  from  the  head  of  the  Golfo 
Dolce,  takes  a sharp  turn  to  the  southward  at  the  cape 
which  has  been  known  ever  since  Columbus’s  discovery 
of  it  in  his  third  voyage  as  Cape  Gracias  a Dios®  (or 
Gratia  de  Dios),  “Thanks  to  God,”  for  the  promise 
vouchsafed  by  this  change  in  direction  that  the  search  for 
a strait  into  the  Sea  of  Cathay  might  not  be  a fruitless 
one.  The  whole  of  the  coast  near  the  cape  in  either 
direction  is  low-lying  and  is  fringed  with  many  small 

9 Herrera,  Decadas,  6,  fo.  13. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


165 


cays.  A large  river  empties  into  the  sea  near  the  cape 
through  a many-mouthed  delta,  and  this  river  has  been 
called  by  many  names ; most  maps  now  give  its  name  as 
the  Wanks  or  Segovia  River,  but  it  always  appears  to 
have  been  known  to  the  English  frequenters  of  the  coast 
simply  as  the  Cape  River.  The  coast  is  fairly  well 
peopled  by  tribes  of  the  Moskito  Indians  and  near  the 
cape  itself  there  are  several  of  their  villages  surrounding 
a harbour  of  large  size. 

It  was  upon  the  shores  of  this  harbour  that  Capt. 
Sussex  Camock  established  his  first  trading  post  sur- 
rounded by  a palisade,  and  it  was  up  the  course  of  the 
Cape  River  that  he  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the 
interior  and  get  into  touch  with  the  Indian  tribes.  He 
did  not  think  it  safe  to  commit  the  whole  of  his  trading 
truck  to  the  chances  of  Indian  hostility  upon  the  main- 
land, so  a depot  was  established  upon  the  largest  of  the 
Moskito  Cays  lying  some  eight  or  ten  miles  off  shore, 
and  this  was  committed  to  the  care  of  his  second  in 
command,  Capt.  Samuel  Axe.  The  trade  was  under- 
taken in  a very  systematic  fashion,  small  parties  being 
sent  out  to  all  Indian  villages  within  reach.  The  goods 
issued  out  of  the  store  to  each  of  the  parties  were 
entered  in  a register ; to  every  party  a man  was  assigned 
who  could  write  and  read,  and  he  was  provided  with 
pens,  paper,  and  ink,  so  that  he  might  keep  an  exact 
journal  in  writing  of  the  events  that  happened  every 
day  amongst  his  company,  and  on  return  to  the  rendez- 
vous these  journals  were  carefully  copied  into  a ledger. 
Anyone  who  had  strayed  from  his  party  and  had  not  com- 
mitted his  observations  to  writing,  was  to  be  examined 
on  his  return  and  his  statements  recorded.  Great  care 
was  taken  to  prevent  private  trade,  especially  by  mari- 
ners, and  the  company  on  several  occasions  had  up 
before  them  on  return  to  England  the  mariners  who  were 


166 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


accused  of  breach  of  this  rule;  they  even  attempted  to 
put  a stop  to  the  trade  in  parrots  and  monkeys  by 
charging  the  sailors  ten  shillings  apiece  for  their  freight. 
Full  directions  had  been  given  to  Camock  regarding  the 
commodities  he  was  to  search  out  and  send  home,  and 
he  had  a fair  measure  of  success  in  the  quest,  but  some 
elusive  rarities  baffled  him.  He  could  find  “silk-grass, 
gum  of  pine  trees,  lignum  vite,  and  other  gums,  annatto, 
tomarin,  skins  of  all  beasts  that  have  any  fur  or  seem 
vendible,  cassia  fistula,  sarsaparilla,  guiacum,  mecoa- 
chan  or  wild  potatoes,  red  oil  and  contra  yerba,  which 
is  antidote  against  poison  of  serpents  and  arrows,”  but 
we  never  hear  of  his  success  as  regards  “the  bezar  stone, 
the  manatee  stone,  or  the  stone  in  the  alligator’s  head.” 
It  was  an  especial  fear  of  the  company  that  Camock 
would  come  into  contact  with  the  Spaniards,  and  he  was 
repeatedly  cautioned  against  aggression.  “We  desire 
you,”  wrote  the  company,  “to  remove  all  occasions  of 
jealousy  or  suspicion  that  this  design  should  be  intended 
for  plunder  rather  than  for  the  business  of  lawful  trade. 
And  therefore  take  special  order  that  none  be  employed 
to  take  anything  from  the  Spaniards  or  any  other  nation 
by  violence  or  otherwise  than  by  way  of  peaceful  com- 
merce. We  pray  you  to  have  a special  care  of  the  fugitive 
Spaniard  that  we  hear  is  with  you  lest  he  should  escape 
and  so  make  his  own  peace  by  betraying  of  that  business. 
While  he  is  amongst  you  let  his  usage  be  as  he  deserves.” 
By  the  end  of  1634  the  trade  on  the  Main  appeared 
so  successful  and  Camock ’s  flax  promised  to  be  so  much 
of  a commercial  success,  that  the  principal  members  of 
the  company  resolved  that  a fresh  patent  for  the  trade 
should  be  obtained  and  special  subscriptions  invited  for 
its  carrying  on  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Hollanders  who, 
they  heard,  were  beginning  to  cast  their  eyes  upon  the 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


167 


Moskito  Coast.  Oliver  St.  John  and  Pyin  were  deputed 
to  draw  a patent  entirely  distinct  from  the  patent  of 
the  Providence  Company,  and  the  Earl  of  Holland 
promised  to  move  the  king  for  a grant  and  to  crave  the 
assistance  of  the  lord  treasurer.^®  A good  deal  of  dis- 
cussion took  place  as  to  whether  everyone  in  the  Provi- 
dence Company  should  be  permitted  to  invest  in  the 
new  company  or  whether  they  should  not  be  first  com- 
pelled to  complete  their  adventures  in  Providence.  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  maintained  the  view  that  no  one  should 
be  permitted  to  enter  the  new  company  unless  he  had 
subscribed  to  every  adventure  before but  Pym  took 
the  far  more  generous  view  that  by  subscribing  at  all 
to  the  Providence  Company  the  adventurers  had  ac- 
quired a right  to  participate  in  any  new  ventures.  He 
held  that  the  trade  at  the  Main  was  contemplated  in  the 
original  design  of  the  Providence  Company,  that  each 
subscriber  to  the  preference  stock  had  contributed 
towards  the  expenses  of  exploring  the  Main  as  well  as 
to  the  expenses  of  Providence,  and  that  Caniock’s  party 
were  the  employes  of  the  whole  company.  He  urged, 
therefore,  that  every  member  should  have  the  right  to 
subscribe  if  he  thought  fit,  and  even  if  he  did  not  sub- 
scribe, he  should  have  a right  to  a portion  of  the  profits. 
Pym’s  views,  however,  were  too  broad  for  the  rest  of 
the  company,  and  at  the  motion  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich 
it  was  resolved  that  everything  done  in  the  past  should 
be  neglected  and  only  those  subscribing  to  the  stock  of 
the  new  company  should  receive  any  benefit  from  the 
new  trade. 

10  Weston,  Earl  of  Portland. 

11  In  the  short  life  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  in  the  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  his 
attitude  is  entirely  misrepresented.  It  is  stated  that  he  pursued  a forward 
policy  and  in  1635  advocated  admission  of  all  adventurers  to  the  trade  of 
the  Main.  This  is  almost  the  contrary  of  his  real  proposal. 


168 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  new  patent  was  issued  in  March,  1635,^^  to  the 
earls  of  Warwick  and  Holland  and  their  associates  under 
the  name  of  “The  Governor  and  Company  of  Adventur- 
ers of  the  City  of  London  for  a trade  upon  the  coasts 
and  islands  of  divers  parts  of  America.”  The  right  of 
sole  trade  with  the  heathen  on  the  shores  of  the  Carib- 
bean was  granted  to  the  new  company  where  they  were 
not  under  the  dominion  of  any  Christian  prince.  The 
company  was  granted  for  fourteen  years  “the  sole 
manufacture  of  all  thread  and  stutf  to  be  made  of  a 
kind  of  flagg  or  grass  brought  from  those  parts  and  not 
in  common  use  in  this  kingdom,  which  is  by  them  called 
Cammock’s  flax,  and  of  the  sole  manufacture  and 
employment  of  all  kinds  of  new  materials  and  mer- 
chandize not  heretofore  commonly  used  in  this  Realm, 
which  shall  by  them  be  brought  from  those  parts,  and 
found  to  be  profitable  and  useful  here.  They  are  to  pay 
custom  for  the  said  Cammock’s  flax  after  the  rate  of  the 
best  unwrought  flax  now  brought  into  this  kingdom  and 
for  all  other  commodities  after  the  rate  of  5 per  cent 
according  to  the  clear  value  of  the  goods  and  not  above.  ’ ’ 
It  was  decided  that  as  all  the  officers  of  the  Providence 
Company,  save  the  Earl  of  Holland,  were  subscribers 
to  the  stock  of  the  new  company,  the  same  officers  should 
serve  both  for  the  plantation  and  for  the  trade. 

We  have  already  seen  that  considerable  difficulty  was 
found  by  the  company  in  obtaining  Puritan  emigrants  to 
the  colony  and  that  only  a few  had  gone  out  with  Root 
in  the  Golden  Falcon  in  1633.  The  voyage  of  1634  was 
planned  on  a more  lavish  scale  than  that  of  1633,  and 
the  money  obtained  by  the  issue  of  the  preference  stock^® 

12  Docquet  Book,  March,  163%.  The  grant  is  apparently  not  calendared 
in  C.  S.  P.  Colonial  or  Domestic. 

13  See  p.  126.  When  this  preference  stock  was  fully  subscribed  the  total 
sum  paid  up  on  each  whole  share  of  adventure  was  £1025.  In  July,  1634, 
the  total  paid-up  capital  of  the  company  amounted  to  about  £20,000. 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


169 


was  devoted  to  hiring  a ship  of  three  hundred  tons,  the 
Long  Robert,  and  purchasing  a pinnace  and  ketch  to 
accompany  her.  Two  well-furnished  magazines  were  put 
on  board  and  Pym  gave  a large  amount  of  personal  atten- 
tion to  seeing  that  everything  sent  was  of  excellent  qual- 
ity. It  was  found  almost  impossible  to  secure  emigrants 
of  decent  standing,  and  with  the  exception  of  a few 
planters  returning  to  Providence,  a minister,  Bartholo- 
mew Styles,  going  to  Association,  and  one  or  two  Puritan 
gentlemen,  the  passengers  were  bond-servants  recruited 
by  paid  agents^^  and  sent  out  to  serve  the  officers  and 
council.  Difficulties  were  found  in  getting  together  even 
penniless  servants  and  the  company  complained  bitterly 
in  their  letters  to  the  council  that  the  discouraging  infor- 
mation sent  home  in  the  planters’  letters  had  prevented 
decent.  God-fearing  men  of  substance  from  emigrating  to 
Providence.  In  order  to  make  up  the  deficiency,  the 
master  of  the  Long  Robert  was  directed  to  call  at  St. 
Christopher  and  attempt  to  recruit  for  the  colony  among 
the  planters  and  servants  there.  He  was  also  to  call  at 
Association  and  purchase  thirty  negroes,  who  were  to 
be  transported  to  Providence  and  were  allotted  as  ser- 
vants to  the  officers.  Nothing  could  indicate  more 
plainly  than  did  these  directions  that  the  company 
recognised  the  failure  of  their  attempt  to  provide  in  the 
Caribbean  a second  home  for  Puritan  refugees. 

The  total  expenditure  on  the  voyage  amounted  to 
£3000  and  the  Long  Robert  and  her  consorts  left  England 
in  September,  1634.  It  was  expected  that  a full  and 
valuable  freight  would  be  found  awaiting  her  at  Provi- 
dence, but  these  expectations  were  woefully  disappointed. 
In  June,  1635,  the  vessel  returned,  bringing  nothing  but 

1*  Eighteen  shillings  a head  was  received  for  servants  by  the  recruiting 
agents  at  this  period,  but  a couple  of  years  later  as  much  as  22s.  was  given 
owing  to  the  increased  difficulty  of  obtaining  recruits. 


170 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


a poor  cargo  of  tobacco  and  cotton,  and  with  many  of 
the  quondam  planters  of  the  colony  on  board.  Their 
complaints  of  the  conduct  of  the  governor  and  council 
and  their  girdings  at  the  restraints  upon  their  conduct 
imposed  by  the  minister,  Sherrard,  were  a poor  return 
to  the  company,  whose  orders  the  governor  and  minister 
had  endeavoured  to  carry  out  to  the  best  of  their  ability. 
And  not  merely  were  the  Puritan  members  of  the  com- 
pany hurt  in  the  failure  of  their  ideals  of  a Puritan 
community;  their  pockets  also  were  badly  hit,  for  the 
voyage  of  the  Long  Robert,  instead  of  doing  something 
to  reimburse  the  adventurers  for  their  previous  expendi- 
ture, had  added  a sum  of  at  least  £1300  to  the  company’s 
indebtedness.  The  goods  brought  home  in  the  Robert 
fetched  only  £328-5s.-ld.,  and  the  thirteen  undertakers 
for  the  voyage  had  to  pay  in  £100-15s.-2iAd.  each  to  make 
up  the  deficiency.  The  total  amount  owed  by  the  com- 
pany, not  including  this  £1309,  was  £2750,  and  this 
indebtedness  was  a constant  source  of  uneasiness  to  the 
treasurer,  Pjtu.  In  May,  1635,  he  pointed  out  to  the 
company  that,  at  the  departure  of  the  Long  Robert,  the 
company’s  assets  exceeded  its  liabifities,  so  that  the 
whole  of  the  debt  had  accrued  in  a year.  He  “put  the 
Company  in  mind  of  the  burden  and  charge  of  that  office 
of  Treasurer,  which  he  had  borne  ever  since,  their  first 
incorporation,  whereby  he  had  been  diverted  from  his 
ovm  business  and  put  upon  extraordinary"  expense.” 
At  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich’s  motion,  it  was  resolved  to  make 
a levy  upon  all  members  to  pay  off  the  debt.  The  feel- 
ings of  Rich  and  of  Pym,  who  had  been  so  energetic  in 
persuading  their  friends  and  relatives  to  become  adven- 
turers and  to  invest  money  in  the  enterprise,  must  have 
been  none  of  the  pleasantest,  and  from  1635  onwards  we 
find  that  no  more  adventurers  of  the  same  class  joined 
the  company,  but  almost  all  of  the  additional  capital 


PROGRESS  AND  CONTROVERSY 


171 


raised  was  contributed  by  the  wealthy  men  who  were 
already  adventurers,  Warwick,  Saye,  Brooke,  Rudyerd, 
and  Pym,  together  with  two  other  wealthy  Puritans,  Lord 
Mandeville  and  Sir  Wilham  Waller. 

Although  the  results  of  the  Long  Robert’s  voyage  were 
not  yet  known,  no  money  could  be  raised  to  send  out  a 
ship  in  1635,  and  the  needful  supplies  to  the  island  to  the 
value  of  £716  were  forwarded  by  the  ship  Expectation, 
owned  by  William  Woodcock,  the  company’s  husband, 
which  was  sailing  for  St.  Christopher  and  was  placed 
at  the  company’s  disposal  after  she  had  finished  her 
unlading  there.  Only  twenty  passengers  went  out  in  her 
and  with  the  exception  of  ten  servants  and  of  Sherrard’s 
betrothed,  who  was  going  out  to  be  married  to  him,  none 
of  them  were  fresh  to  the  colony.  The  Expectation  left 
England  in  April,  1635,  and  returned  in  the  following 
December,  bringing  the  news  of  the  great  Spanish  attack 
on  Providence,  which  we  shall  consider  in  a subsequent 
chapter.  With  the  return  of  the  Expectation,  the  history 
of  Providence  as  a Puritan  haven  may  be  said  in  the 
main  to  have  come  to  an  end  and  consequently  our 
interest  at  this  point  centers  on  different  aspects  of  the 
story. 


CHAPTER  VII 


PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  TO  CONNECTICUT : 
SAYBROOK 

In  an  earlier  chapter  we  left  the  story  of  the  Puritans 
of  New  England  at  the  time  when  the  great  expedition 
set  sail  under  John  Winthrop,  the  elder,  and  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts  sprang  into  vigorous  life.  From 
the  very  first  there  was  little  doubt  of  success,  and  by 
1635  a flourishing  and  already  fairly  prosperous  com- 
munity was  spread  around  the  shores  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.  Our  interest  now  turns  once  more  to  this  main 
stream  of  Puritan  migration,  as  did  the  minds  of  the 
Puritan  leaders  in  England,  and  it  seems  at  last  possible 
with  the  means  at  our  disposal  to  supply  the  true  version 
of  a story  that  has  in  the  past  caused  much  controversy. 
After  the  restoration  of  Charles  II  to  the  English  throne 
in  1660,  it  was  said  by  the  royalist  writers.  Dr.  George 
Bate  and  Sir  William  Dugdale,  that  about  1638  the 
Puritan  leaders,  Pym,  Hampden,  and  Cromwell,  em- 
barked on  shipboard  with  the  intention  of  proceeding 
to  New  England,  but  that  they  were  stopped  by  the  king’s 
orders  and  compelled  to  remain  in  England,  to  plot 
rebellion.  This  story  has  been  largely  discredited  by 
historians,  and  John  Forster,  the  biographer  of  Pym, 
having  shown  that  such  an  occurrence  could  not  have 
taken  place  in  1638  or  later,  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
no  credence  could  be  attached  to  Dugdale ’s  statement. 
That  actual  embarkation  took  place  is  certainly  untrue, 
but  our  present  investigation  seems  to  make  clear  that 
the  story  is  a fair  interpretation  of  the  plans  of  Pym, 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  173 


Hampden,  and  others;  and,  though  it  is  impossible  to 
speak  definitely  as  to  the  plans  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  who, 
down  to  1642,  was  not  regarded  as  a person  of  much 
importauce  among  the  Puritans,  yet  there  is  a proba- 
bility that  he  would  have  followed  the  path  of  his  friends 
had  it  been  necessary. 

The  absolutist  regime,  that  had  been  entered  upon  by 
Charles  I after  the  dissolution  of  parliament  in  1629, 
had  by  1635  been  in  full  activity  for  six  years  and  to 
those  who  regarded  externals  only  must  have  appeared 
to  justify  itself  by  its  success.  Clarendon  asserts  of  this 
time  that  never  had  England  enjoyed  such  order  and 
prosperity  and  never  had  her  material  well-being  been 
more  envied  by  her  distracted  and  war-ridden  Conti- 
nental neighbours.  But  in  reality  the  mood  of  despair 
that  had  overwhelmed  the  best  minds  of  the  nation  in 
1629  had  not  been  dispelled  as  time  went  on,  and  by  1635 
it  seemed  as  though  England  were  destined  to  remain 
subject  to  a well-meaning  but  incapable  and  capricious 
despotism.  Beneath  the  outward  calm,  deep  discontent 
lay  hid,  for  nearly  every  class  in  the  community  found 
itself  attacked  or  menaced  by  the  injudicious  meddle- 
someness of  the  government  or  by  its  unwise  devices  for 
the  increase  of  the  revenues  of  the  crown.  To  the 
ordinary  man  these  devices  were  irksome  and  unsettling 
enough,  but  to  an  earnest  Puritan,  whose  religious  feel- 
ings were  at  the  same  time  being  outraged  by  his 
Arminian  enemies  in  high  places,  they  were  unbearable. 
The  tide  of  migration  to  New  England,  that  had  begun 
to  flow  when  Winthrop  and  his  followers  sailed  in  1630, 
had  moved  on  with  ever-swelling  increase,  till  1635  saw 
the  largest  number  of  emigrants  leave  England’s  shores 
for  Massachusetts  that  ever  passed  thither.^  Thence- 
forward the  tide  began  to  slacken  as  the  progressive 

1 Hutchinson’s  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  I,  41. 


174 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


steps  taken  against  the  royal  absolutism  began  to 
rouse  men’s  hopes  in  a restoration  of  parliamentary 
government. 

It  will  be  remembered^  that  on  March  19,  1632,  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  then  president  of  the  New  England 
Council,  deeded  a tract  of  land  south  of  Massachusetts 
to  a body  of  patentees  including  most  of  the  members 
of  the  Providence  Company.  On  the  21st  and  26th  of 
the  following  June,®  the  New  England  Council  agreed 
to  the  rough  draft  of  a patent  to  Warwick,  who  directed 
that  it  be  made  out  to  Lord  Rich  and  his  associates,  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  a patent  was  ever  actually 
issued.  That  a blank  draft  was  drawn  up  is  clear,  but, 
in  default  of  a formal  confirmation  by  the  council,  the 
deed  of  March  remained  without  validity.  Warwick  had 
for  some  time  been  getting  out  of  touch  with  the  rest  of 
the  New  England  Council,  owing  to  his  patronage  of  the 
Massachusetts  settlers,  and  this  renewed  attempt  to 
establish  another  Puritan  settlement  in  New  England 
seems  to  have  finally  brought  about  an  open  breach  with 
Gorges,  for  the  meeting  at  which  it  was  made  was  the 
last  at  which  the  earl  was  present,  and  within  a week  we 
find  the  members  resolving  to  reconstitute  the  council 
and  sending  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  to  ask  him  to  deliver 
up  the  council’s  seal.  From  November,  1632,  the  council 
fell  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  court  party  under  the 
presidency,  first  of  the  Earl  of  Lindsey  and  later  of 
Hamilton,  Arundel,  and  Carlisle  with  Perdinando 
Gorges  as  its  leading  and  most  active  member.  The 
affairs  of  the  council  became  a crying  scandal  by  1635 
and  consisted  mainly  of  quarrels  over  the  division  of 
lands ; so  serious  had  matters  become  that  the  king  was 

2 See  p.  83. 

3 “Eecords  of  Council  for  New  England,”  at  Warwick  House,  21  and  26 
June,  1632,  Proc.  of  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  1867,  p.  100. 


SAYBEOOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  175 


bound  to  step  in,  and  the  charter  was  surrendered  into 
his  hands  on  April  25,  1635,  the  last  act  of  the  council 
being  to  publish  a manifesto  reciting  the  wrongs  done 
to  its  members  and  especially  to  the  Gorges  family  by 
the  Massachusetts  settlers. 

The  winter  of  1634-1635  was  a particularly  trying  time 
for  the  Puritan  leaders  in  England,  who  were  harassed 
by  the  government  at  all  points.  At  the  forest  court 
held  for  Waltham  Forest  in  October,  1634,  both  Warwick 
and  Barrington  suffered  in  their  estates  by  Sir  John 
Finch’s  strict  enforcement  of  the  forest  laws;^  Saye  had 
been  attacked  both  on  his  Oxfordshire  and  his  Gloucester- 
shire estates,  and  Brooke  in  Warwickshire  in  the  same 
way.  Pym,  in  the  winter  of  1633-1634,  had  been  twice 
sued  by  the  attorney-general  for  remaining  in  London 
to  look  after  the  business  of  the  Providence  Company 
instead  of  returning  to  his  house  in  the  country.  The 
Roman  emissary,  Gregorio  Panzani,  had  been  welcomed 
with  open  arms  at  court  and  conversions  to  the  Roman 
Church  w^ere  being  announced  daily;  while  the  laws 
against  recusants,  so  dear  to  the  hearts  of  the  Puritan 
leaders,  were  everywhere  a dead  letter,  the  archbishop’s 
metropolitical  visitation  was  in  full  swing  and  Puritan 
divines  were  everjwvhere  being  silenced,  browbeaten, 
and  fined.  Early  in  1635,  Warwick  had  to  suffer  the 
indignity  of  dividing  his  lord  lieutenancy  of  Essex  with 
Lord  Maynard,  and  on  the  death  of  Lord  Treasurer 
Portland  in  March,  1635,  another  powerful  office  fell 
under  the  sway  of  the  hated  archbishop,  who  was  placed 
first  on  the  commission  to  exercise  the  lord  treasurer- 

* C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  1634-1635,  p.  xxxiii.  For  Saye  and  the  Forest  of  Whieh- 
wood  in  Oxfordshire,  see  Whitelocke’s  Memorials,  I,  70. 

Gardiner  (VIII,  129)  shows  that  there  was  an  ever-spreading  apprehen- 
sion of  danger  at  this  time.  The  English  Church  might  at  any  time  faU 
a victim  to  a conspiracy  carried  on  in  the  very  name  of  the  king  hy  Laud, 
its  prime  mover. 


176 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


ship.  The  first  writ  of  ship-money  had  been  levied  on 
maritime  counties  in  October,  1634,  with  a reasonable 
plea  of  urgent  naval  necessity,  but  the  winter  was  full 
of  rumours  that  the  impost  was  to  be  extended  over  the 
whole  country,®  and  this  was  quite  a different  matter. 

The  cup  of  bitterness  for  the  Puritan  leaders  was  filled 
to  overflowing  and  they  began  to  think  that  the  time  had 
come  for  them  also  to  look  across  the  Atlantic  for  fresh 
homes,  where  so  many  of  their  humble  brethren  had 
already  gone.  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  had  lost  his 
wife  in  September,  1634,  and  sailed  for  England  in 
October,  much  disillusioned  with  Massachusetts  and 
desiring  to  begin  a settlement  elsewhere  in  New  England. 
It  was  only  natural  that  on  his  return  to  London  he 
should  enter  into  close  communication  with  those  who 
had  been  such  good  friends  to  Massachusetts  as  Lord 
Saye  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  and  should  give  them  all 
the  personal  information  he  could  about  the  new  colonies. 
It  has  not  been  possible  to  trace  the  details  of  the  nego- 
tiations that  went  on  in  the  spring  of  1635,  and  indeed 
it  seems  very  unlikely  that  it  will  ever  be  possible  to 
do  so,  for  both  Saye  and  Brooke  were  constant  objects 
of  suspicion  to  the  government®  and  would  commit  as 
little  as  possible  of  their  projects  to  paper. 

No  steps  had  been  taken  to  act  upon  the  Saybrook 
grant,  which  Warwick  had  drawn  up,  until  July,  1633,^ 

sin  June  the  lord  keeper,  Coventry,  openly  told  the  judges,  “Upon 
advice  [the  King]  hath  resolved  that  he  will  forthwith  send  out  new  writs 
for  the  preparation  of  a greater  fleet  next  year  and  that  not  only  to  the 
maritime  towns  but  to  all  the  kingdom  besides.  ’ ’ Eushworth,  II,  294. 

6 C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1635,  p.  164. 

7 In  the  year  1633,  Saye,  Brooke,  Saltonstall,  Haselrigg,  and  others  pur- 
chased for  £2150  the  interest  of  an  association  of  merchants  from  Bristol, 
Shrewsbury,  and  other  towns  of  western  England  in  Piscataqua  and  Ken- 
nebec, and  became  involved  with  the  Plymouth  colony  on  account  of  the 
murder  of  Capt.  Hocking.  Bradford,  Hist,  of  Plym.  Plant,  (ed.  1912, 
Ford),  pp.  175-180,  and  notes. 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  177 


when  the  Providence  Company  agreed  to  lend  to  Lords 
Saye  and  Brooke  five  pieces  of  ordnance,  viz.,  two 
minions  and  three  faulcons,  for  their  use  in  New  Eng- 
land, but  nothing  further  was  done  until,  in  May,  1635, 
Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  sent  out  twenty  men — the  Stiles 
party* — to  the  Connecticut  Valley  to  make  a beginning 
of  a settlement  under  the  grant,  and  Woodcock,  the 
husband  of  the  Providence  Company,  was  directed  to 
assemble  stores  for  the  despatch  of  a larger  expedition. 
It  was  at  last  decided  definitely  that  southern  Connecti- 
cut should  replace  Providence  as  the  scene  of  the  building 
up  of  the  Puritan  colony  planned  by  the  patentees,  and 
on  July  7,  1635,®  an  agreement  was  signed  with  John 
Winthrop,  jr.,  as  leader  of  the  pioneer  expedition  on 
their  behalf.  In  the  words  of  his  commission,  “He  shall 
endeavour  to  provide  able  men,  to  the  number  of  fifty 
at  least,  for  making  of  fortifications  and  building  of 
houses  at  the  river  Connecticut  and  the  harbour  adjoin- 
ing, first  for  their  own  present  accommodation,  and  then 
such  houses  as  may  receive  men  of  quality,  which  houses 
we  would  have  to  be  builded  in  the  fort.”  The  commis- 
sion was  signed  for  the  rest  of  the  patentees  by  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall,  Henry  Lawrence,  Henry  Darley,  Sir 
Arthur  Haselrigg,  and  George  Fenwick,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  remain  in  London  and  act  as  a committee 
in  charge  of  the  atfair.^®  Large  sums  were  being  sub- 

® In  July  this  party,  composed  of  Saltonstall ’s  servants  led  by  Francis 
Stiles,  appeared  at  Windsor  on  the  Connecticut  and  claimed  the  territory 
by  virtue  of  their  patent.  But  the  previous  occupants  from  Dorchester  in 
Massachusetts  ignored  the  demands  of  these  representatives  of  the  “Lords 
and  Gentlemen.”  They  allowed  the  Stiles  servants  to  settle  on  the  place, 
but  refused  any  recognition  of  the  claims  of  the  patentees. 

9 Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  5th  Ser.,  I,  482.  The  agreement  and  commission 
were  drawn  up  by  William  Jessop,  who  was  acting  as  clerk  to  the  Saybrook 
patentees.  As  we  already  know,  Jessop  was  secretary  of  the  Providence 
Company. 

10  Trumbull,  I,  497. 


178 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


scribed  to  finance  the  expedition,  for  Wintlirop  took 
£2000  with  him,“  and  we  find  Philip  Nye  writing  to  him 
in  July,  “I  have  sent  the  other  £1000  by  Mr.  Peirce^^  to  be 
delivered  to  your  father  for  you.”  It  was  the  expendi- 
ture of  their  capital  on  this  design  on  the  Connecticut 
River  that  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  adventurers  to 
secure  sufficient  subscriptions  to  send  out  a ship  of  their 
own  to  Providence  in  1635.  Winthrop  sailed  from  Eng- 
land about  the  beginning  of  August,  1635,  accompanied 
by  the  son  of  the  comptroller  of  the  king’s  household, 
young  Henry  Vane,  who  was  deep  in  the  Puritan  counsels 
and  upon  whose  judgment  the  leaders  placed  great 
reliance.  The  project  was  by  now  becoming  generally 
known  and  on  September  1, 1635,  we  find  Garrard  writing 
to  the  lord  deputy  d®  “Mr.  Comptroller  Sir  Henry  Vane’s 
eldest  son  hath  left  his  Father,  his  Mother,  his  Country 
and  that  fortune  which  his  father  would  have  left  him 
here,  and  is  for  conscience  sake  gone  into  New  England, 
there  to  lead  the  rest  of  his  days,  being  about  twenty 
years  of  age.  He  had  abstained  two  years  from  taking 
the  Sacrament  in  England,  because  he  could  get  nobody 
to  administer  it  to  him  standing.  He  was  bred  up  in 
Leyden  and  I hear  that  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich  and  Mr.  Pym 
have  done  him  much  hurt  in  their  persuasions  this  way. 
God  forgive  them  for  it,  if  they  be  guilty.  ’ ’ 

The  interest  in  the  north  of  England  in  the  new  project 
was  very  great  and  many  of  the  Yorkshire  gentry  who 

11  This  we  learn  with  some  other  particulars  from  a letter  from  Philip 
Nye  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  28  July,  1635  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll,  5th  series, 
I,  210).  Nye,  a protege  of  Lord  Mandeville’s,  was  assisting  Jessop  with 
the  secretarial  work.  The  regulations  concerning  residence  were  being 
very  strictly  enforced  on  the  country  gentlemen  in  1635  and  the  plague  was 
raging  in  London.  Practically  the  whole  work  of  the  Providence  Company 
was  being  done  by  a committee  of  Pym,  Harley,  and  Woodcock  for  this 
reason. 

12  The  celebrated  New  England  shipmaster. 

13  Strafford  Papers,  I,  463. 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  179 


had  been  antagonised  by  the  barsb  administration  of  the 
Council  of  the  North,  bad  been  persuaded  by  Barley’s 
influence  to  consider  migration  to  the  new  colony.  Sir 
Matthew  Boynton  of  Bramston,  for  example,  a strong 
Puritan  and  M.  P.  for  Scarborough  in  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, wrote  to  Wintbrop  through  Henry  Darleyd^  “I 
pray  you  advertise  me  what  course  I shall  take  for  pro- 
viding a bouse  against  my  coming  over,  where  I may 
remain  with  my  family  till  I can  be  better  provided  to 
settle  myself,  and  let  me  have  your  best  assistance,  and 
withal,  I pray  you,  let  me  receive  advice  from  time  to 
time  what  provisions  are  most  commodious  to  be  made 
there  or  to  be  sent  from  hence,  that  so  I may  make  the 
best  advantage  of  my  time  before  I come,  as  also  what 
things  will  be  most  expedient  for  me  both  for  my  neces- 
sary use  and  benefit  there  to  bring  over  with  me  when 
I come.”  All  through  the  autumn  of  1635  preparations 
were  going  on  apace,  but  as  quietly  and  unostentatiously 
as  possible.  So  much  were  the  energies  of  the  patentees 
immersed  in  the  new  design  that  Providence  was  entirely 
neglected  for  a time  and  no  meetings  of  the  company 
were  held  between  the  beginning  of  June  and  the  end 
of  November.  On  September  22,  1635,  Henry  Lawrence 
wrote  to  Wintbrop:^®  “I  shall  remember  you  now  but 
of  two  things,  one  is  the  place  of  our  pitching,  wherein 
(if  in  anything)  we  are  peremptory  for  Connecticut,  it 
being,  as  you  know,  and  so  continuing,  the  joint  resolu- 
tion of  us  all  that  nothing  but  a plain  impossibility  could 
divert  us  from  that  place,  which  in  many  respects  we 
conceived  most  advantageous  both  for  the  securing  of 
our  friends  at  the  Bay^®  and  our  own  personal  accom- 

Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VII,  164. 

15  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Coll.,  5th  series,  I,  214. 

i«  That  is,  securing  the  Massachusetts  settlers  from  the  encroachments  of 
the  Dutch. 


180 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


modations.  . . . [The  other]  is  that  fortifications  and 
some  convenient  buildings  for  the  receipt  of  the  gentle- 
men may  go  hand  in  hand,  for  there  are  likely  to  come 
more  over  next  summer,  both  to  be  witness  of  what  you 
have  done  and  to  thank  you  for  it,  than  you  are  yet 
aware  of.  Other  things  I shall  leave  to  your  own  wisdom 
and  the  directions  given  you,  earnestly  beseeching  God 
that  He  would  farther  suggest  such  things  to  us  all  as 
may  be  most  for  the  glory  of  His  great  name  and  (which 
in  this  design  we  specially  aim  at)  the  good  of  His 
churches.”  Winthrop  and  Vane  reached  Massachusetts 
in  October,  1635,  and  the  first  steps  were  at  once  taken 
to  commence  the  new  settlement.  A vessel  with  twenty 
men’^  and  some  ordnance  started  in  November,  which 
reached  its  destination  on  the  24th,  and  formal  posses- 
sion of  the  territory  was  taken  in  the  name  of  the 
patentees.  Under  the  direction  of  Lyon  Gardiner,  an 
English  engineer,  who  had  seen  service  under  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  a fort  and  houses  were  built  of  “a  spungie 
kind  of  timber  called  a read  oack,”  the  “pallisadoes” 
being  composed  of  whole  trees  set  in  the  ground,  and 
here,  during  an  exceptionally  cold  winter,  Winthrop, 
Gardiner,  and  the  score'  of  settlers  made  shift  to  live.  In 
the  spring  Fenwick  arrived,  only  to  return  to  England 
in  the  summer  for  his  wife,  Alice  Apsley,  widow  of  Sir 
John  Boteler  of  Teston,  Kent,  whom  he  brought  to  the 
colony  in  1639. 

Meanwhile,  the  Puritan  leaders  in  England  had  been 
drawing  up  a suggested  basis  for  the  constitution  of  the 
colony,  and  this  was  despatched  by  Saye  to  the  authorities 

17  These  twenty  men  may  have  been  the  servants  of  Sir  Matthew  Boynton, 
referred  to  in  Boynton’s  letter  of  April  12,  1637,  to  Winthrop,  releasing 
his  servants  in  Connecticut  from  their  engagements  to  him  and  giving 
them  leave  to  shift  for  themselves.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VII, 
169. 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  181 


in  Massachusetts  late  in  the  year  with  a request  for  their 
suggestions  upon  it.  This  scheme^®  has  always  been  a 
well-known  document  and  has  by  some  writers  been 
regarded  as  a base  attempt  to  foist  an  aristocratic  consti- 
tution upon  a people  who  had  succeeded  in  freeing  them- 
selves from  the  control  of  absolutism.  In  reality  the 
scheme  was  most  reasonable  and  should  be  of  interest 
to  students  of  English  history  as  showing  in  their  own 
words  what  was  the  conception  of  an  ideal  constitution, 
or  we  might  rather  say  what  was  the  conception  of  the 
time-honoured  English  constitution,  that  was  held  by  the 
men  who,  within  so  few  years,  were  to  sway  the  destinies 
of  England  for  good  or  ill.  It  is  of  immediate  interest 
to  the  student  of  Puritan  colonisation  from  a narrower 
point  of  view,  for  from  time  to  time,  when  the  answers 
of  the  ruling  oligarchy  in  Massachusetts  to  the  patentees  ’ 
demands  were  despatched  by  the  pen  of  Cotton,  is  to  be 
dated  the  progressive  estrangement  between  the  Eng- 

18  Hutchinson ’s  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  I,  490. 

“Certain  proposals  made  by  Lord  Saye,  Lord  Brooke,  and  other  Persons 
of  quality,  as  conditions  of  their  removing  to  New  England  with  the 
answers  thereto : ’ ’ 

1.  Two  ranks  of  citizens,  gentlemen  and  freeholders. 

2.  The  power  of  making  and  repealing  laws  to  lie  in  the  two  ranks 
assembled  together. 

3.  Each  rank  to  possess  a negative  voice. 

4.  The  first  rank  to  attend  Parliament  personally,  the  second  by  deputy. 

5.  The  ranks  to  sit  in  two  Houses. 

6.  Set  times  to  be  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  Parliament  yearly  or 
half-yearly. 

7.  Parliament  to  have  the  power  of  calling  the  Governor  to  account  and 
all  officers  to  determine  with  a new  Parliament,  unless  Parliament  enact 
otherwise. 

8.  The  governor  always  to  be  chosen  out  of  the  ranks  of  gentlemen. 

9.  The  Patentees  and  those  aiding  them  should  belong  to  the  first  rank 
but  afterwards  appointments  to  it  should  be  made  with  the  consent  of  both 
Houses. 

10.  Freeholders  should  have  a certain  estate  or  contribute  a certain 
amount  to  the  public  charges. 


182 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


lish  and  the  American  Puritans,  that  will,  to  a certain 
extent,  call  for  our  attention  in  following  chapters.  To 
none  of  the  patentees’  demands  did  the  Massachusetts 
rulers  make  any  material  objection,  for  these  demands 
very  closely  represented  the  constitution  under  which  all 
of  the  Puritans  had  grown  up.  But  the  Massachusetts 
leaders  added  to  these  demands  the  important  and  funda- 
mental condition  that  civil  rights  should  he  obtainable 
only  through  church  membership  and,  be  it  understood, 
church  membership  as  guarded  and  granted  or  withheld 
by  the  spiritual  power.  The  demand  was  impossible  of 
acceptance  by  English  aristocrats  of  the  profoundly 
Erastian  temper  of  Saye  and  of  Pym,  and  we  may 
already  discern  that  two  parties  had  sprung  from  the 
nonconforming  Puritanism  of  King  James’s  day;  on  the 
one  hand,  we  have  the  narrow  theocrats  of  New  Eng- 
land, steeped  in  the  theology  and  political  speculations  of 
Leyden  and  Dort  and  resolved  to  confine  the  full  rights 
of  citizenship  to  the  orthodox  adherents  of  their  creed; 
on  the  other,  we  have  the  Erastian  English  squires,  con- 
servative laymen  glorying  in  what  they  believed  to  be 
England’s  ancient  constitution. 

While  the  Saybrook  grantees  were  contemplating  an 
immediate  removal  of  themselves,  their  families,  and 
their  fortunes  to  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  the 
government  of  England  was  falling  more  and  more  into 
the  hands  of  Laud,  who,  when  he  succeeded  Weston  as 
practical  head  of  the  Treasury  in  March,  1635,  secured 
a power  in  the  Privy  Council  that  was  thenceforth 
almost  supreme.  Colonial  matters,  too,  began  to  occupy 
the  archbishop’s  attention,  for  in  1634  he  had  been 
nominated  one  of  twelve  commissioners  to  supervise  the 
colonies.^®  No  objections  had  been  found  to  the  lines 
upon  which  New  England  was  developing,  when  the 

19  Col.  Pap.,  28  April,  1634. 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  183 


first  governmental  enquiry  into  its  affairs  was  made  in 
1633,  and  the  well-known  nonconformity  of  the  colonists 
was  tacitly  acquiesced  in.  But  Laud’s  accession  to 
power  in  any  sphere  was  marked  by  a tightening  up  of 
administration  and  a legally  minded  supervision  of 
details  that  left  little  room  for  flexibility  and  toleration. 
The  quarrel  over  the  New  England  Council  in  1635  and 
Gorges ’s  accusations  against  Massachusetts  would  have 
drawn  the  archbishop’s  unfavourable  attention  to  the 
colony,  even  had  he  not  been  receiving  complaints  from 
the  churchmen  expelled  by  its  rulers.  For  the  first  time, 
in  1635,  an  oath  of  conformity  to  the  Prayer  Book  had 
been  demanded  above  and  beyond  the  usual  oath  of 
allegiance  from  those  wishing  to  emigrate,  and  in  the 
course  of  the  summer  the  news  of  Roger  Williams ’s  pro- 
ceedings and  the  views  he  was  expounding  in  the  colony 
began  to  reach  the  archbishop  and  roused  in  him  the 
conviction  that  something  definite  must  be  done.  When, 
therefore,  he  learned  that  so  notable  a person  as  Vane 
had  gone,  and  that  eminent  opponents  of  the  govern- 
ment, such  as  Saye  and  Brooke,  were  making  prepara- 
tions to  go  to  New  England,  he  resolved  that  instant 
steps  must  be  taken  to  crush  the  movement  and  to  pre- 
vent so  important  an  accession  of  strength  to  the  recal- 
citrant colony.  For  the  first  time  the  eyes  of  England’s 
governors  were  opened  to  what  had  been  going  on 
unheeded  in  America;  it  had  not  seemed  a very  great 
thing  that  such  an  unimportant  and  dispossessed  lawyer 
as  Winthrop,  such  a land  steward  as  Dudley,  or  such 
silenced  ministers  as  Cotton  and  Hooker,  should  lead 
farmers  and  tradesmen  across  the  Atlantic,  but  when 
men  personally  known  and  disliked  at  court,  such  as 
the  bitter-tongued  Saye  or  the  severe  and  lofty-minded 
Brooke,  began  to  talk  of  selling  their  estates,  and  when 
the  son  and  heir  of  one  so  well  known  as  Sir  Henry  Vane 


184 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


had  actually  sailed  for  Massachusetts,  the  matter  had 
become  serious. 

Into  the  details  of  the  suit  of  quo  warranto  against  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  begun  in  1635,  we  need  not 
enter  here,  but  a letter"®  from  Nye  to  John  Winthrop,  jr., 
in  the  same  month  will  illustrate  the  way  in  which  the 
government  had  begun  to  frustrate  the  intentions  of  the 
would-be  emigrants:  “We  have  sent  you  some  servants, 
but  not  so  many  as  we  purposed;  the  reason  is  this. 
Some  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  north,  who  lay  3 or  4 
months  in  London  transacting  these  atfairs,  did  think 
that  there  would  have  been  no  notice  of  their  purposes, 
and  therefore  assumed  to  send  us  up  servants,  but  when 
they  came  down,  found  the  country  full  of  the  reports 
of  their  going  now.  Those  two  (being  Deputy  Lieuten- 
ants of  the  shire)  did  not  dare  to  move  any  further  in 
sending  up  of  men.  My  lord  Brooke  likewise,  that  under- 
took for  twenty,  failed  likewise  and  sent  us  not  one.  Our 
gentlemen’s  minds  remain  the  same  and  are  in  a way 
of  selling  off  their  estates  with  the  greatest  expedition.  ’ ’ 
The  moment  had  gone  by  never  to  return;  by  the  gen- 
eral trend  of  affairs  and  by  the  direct  connivance  of  the 
government,  the  Puritan  leaders  became  once  more 
immersed  in  English  politics,  their  eyes  were  once  more 
turned,  first  to  difficulties  in  their  own  counties  and 
later  to  the  great  national  struggle,  and  never  again  did 
they  look  to  New  England  as  likely  to  provide  them  with 
a home.  In  August,  1635,  the  second  writs  for  the  col- 
lection of  ship-money  were  issued  and,  regardless  of 
precedent,  for  the  first  time  the  inland  counties  were 
called  upon  to  contribute.  Special  harshness  was  exer- 
cised in  the  collection  from  the  tenants  of  persons  of 
known  hostility  to  the  government,  such  as  Saye  and 

20  Philip  Nye  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  2 Sept.,  1635.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll., 
5th  series,  I,  210. 


SAYBROOK:  PROJECTED  EMIGRATION  185 


Brooke,  and  before  the  end  of  1635  serious  disturbances 
had  arisen  in  Oxfordshire,  Warwickshire,  and  Essex,  and 
the  Puritan  leaders  were  soon  deeply  immersed  in  a 
concerted  design  for  organising  a resistance  to  pay- 
ment that  should  be  national  in  character  and  sufficient 
to  tax  the  whole  energies  of  the  government. 

The  Saybrook  settlement  was  abandoned  by  its  pro- 
moters. Fenwick  remained,  burdened  with  heavy  ex- 
penses and  in  daily  expectation  of  a large  accession  of 
noblemen  and  gentlemen  from  England,  but  as  the  years 
passed  and  no  results  were  attained,  he  wrote,  in  1642 
and  1643,  to  Haselrigg  and  Barrington,  begging  for 
information  as  to  their  plans,  only  to  learn  that  Lord 
Brooke,  Sir  William  Constable,  and  Sir  Matthew  Boyn- 
ton had  relinquished  all  intention  of  crossing  the  water, 
and  that  the  proposed  emigration  had  been  given  up, 
because  “affairs  in  England  had  taken  such  a turn  that 
persons  of  that  character  had  no  occasion  for  an  asy- 
lum.” Wearying  of  his  burden  and  yet  desirous  of 
securing  the  patentees  against  loss,  he  offered  their 
“whole  interest  heare  and  in  the  River”  to  the  Connec- 
ticut towns  for  £3000.  The  towns  rejecting  this  offer, 
made  tender  of  £200  a year  for  ten  years,  payable  in 
corn,  pork,  and  pipe-staves,  but  Fenwick  refused.  With 
the  failure  of  further  negotiations,  Fenwick  in  despera- 
tion thought  of  renting  out  the  land,  but  soon  discovered 
that  in  New  England  a quit-rent  would  not  be  borne. 
He  also  thought  of  levying  a custom  toll  on  the  river 
traffic,  but  that  plan  also  he  abandoned.  Realising  that 
there  was  “no  other  way  but  selling  out  of  it  to 
the  [Connecticut]  towns,”  for  the  housing  and  fortifi- 
cation were  in  such  bad  repair  that  continued  posses- 
sion would  cost  more  than  could  be  spared,  he  again 
approached  the  northern  colony,  and  on  December  5, 
1644,  accepted  their  terms  and  transferred  the  title  to 


186 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


Saybrook  to  the  inhabitants  of  Hartford,  Wethersfield, 
and  Windsor.  Henceforward  Saybrook  was  a part  of 
the  colony  of  Connecticut.^^ 

21  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2646,  fos.  181,  182,  240;  2648,  fo.  1;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  4th  series,  VII,  169,  5th  series,  IX,  381 ; Hutchinson,  Hist.,  I,  64. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


SPANISH  ATTACKS  AND  THE  COMPANY’S 
CHANGE  OF  POLICY 

Our  attention  has  so  far  been  directed  mainly  to  the 
work  of  the  Providence  Company  and  its  members,  as 
far  as  they  were  involved  in  the  great  movement  of 
Puritan  migration.  We  must  now  direct  our  enquiry  to 
another  aspect  of  the  subject  and  regard  the  colonies  of 
Providence  and  Association  in  connection  with  the  Span- 
ish possessions  that  lay  round  about  them.  The  Spanish 
dominions  in  America  differed  essentially  from  the  settle- 
ments of  other  European  nations  in  America  in  that  the 
latter  were  either  self-governing  communities,  such  as 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  or  were  under  the  imme- 
diate control  of  a commercial  company,  such  as  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company,  and  had  little  direct  interference 
to  suffer  from  the  home  government.  The  Spanish  gov- 
ernment, on  the  other  hand,  through  the  Council  of  the 
Indies,  exercised  an  all-pervading  control  over  the  colo- 
nies, and  a perpetual  stream  of  orders  dealing  with  the 
smallest  details  of  government  was  poured  upon  the 
governor  of  every  kingdom  in  the  Indies.^  The  fortunes 
of  the  Castilian  monarchy,  therefore,  had  a most  potent 
influence  upon  the  energy  with  which  designs  were 
matured  and  carried  out,  even  when  the  designs  merely 
concerned  such  small  islands  in  the  Caribbean  as  Provi- 
dence and  Tortuga.  Prom  1628  on,  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, in  addition  to  its  constant  difficulties  in  raising 
financial  supplies  from  exhausted  provinces  wherewith 

1 F.  A.  Kirkpatrick  in  Camb.  Mod.  Hist.,  X,  248 ; Bourne,  Spain  in 
America,  225-227. 


188 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


to  carry  on  the  never-ending  struggles  in  Flanders  and 
Germany,  had  to  conduct  the  unsuccessful  Mantuan  War 
in  North  Italy  against  Richelieu  and  his  allies,  the  Pope 
and  Venice.  The  task  proved  overwhelming  and  at 
length,  in  April,  1631,  Olivares,  the  all-powerful  minister 
of  Philip  IV,  was  compelled  to  sign  the  ignominious  trea- 
ties of  Cherasco,  which  marked  another  step  in  the  down- 
fall of  Spain  from  her  once  dominant  position.  While 
the  war  was  raging  little  attention  could  he  spared  for 
American  affairs,  but  the  short  interval  of  peace  before 
war  with  France  again  broke  out  in  May,  1635,  was 
marked  by  many  attempts  to  deal  with  the  swarms  of 
foreigners,  that  since  1625  had  swooped  down  upon  the 
unoccupied  islands  of  the  Antilles  and  were  rapidly 
strangling  the  remaining  commerce  of  the  Indies.  Sug- 
gestions for  dealing  with  the  difficulty  and  for  expelling 
the  Dutch,  French,  and  English,  were  invited  from  the 
governors  of  all  the  provinces  surrounding  the  Carib- 
bean. Many  of  the  replies^  afford  graphic  pictures  of 
the  difficulties  against  which  the  royal  governors  in  the 
New  World  had  to  contend.  The  constant  burden  of  com- 
plaint in  the  replies  is  that  the  whole  of  the  wealth  of 
the  Indies  must  be  despatched  to  Spain,  though  salaries 
are  unpaid,  fortresses  are  in  need  of  repair,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  find  means  for  equipping  a fleet  against 
the  corsairs.  The  case  made  out  was  bad  enough  to 
move  even  the  government  of  Philip  IV  to  action  and 
strict  orders  were  despatched  that  everything  possible 
was  to  be  done  against  the  intruders,  even  though  the 
cost  reduced  a little  the  tribute  sent  to  Europe.  The 
sacrifice  was  a great  one  to  the  Castilian  monarchy,  for 
only  with  the  produce  of  the  Indies  could  even  an  attempt 

2 See  especially  Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36322,  fos.  7,  69,  175,  180; 
Add.  MSS.  (Kingsborough  CoUeetion),  13992,  fo.  110,  13974,  fo.  71,  13977, 
fo.  14. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


189 


be  made  to  satisfy  the  insatiable  demands  of  Flanders 
and  Germany  upon  the  Spanish  exchequer,  and  Piet 
Hein’s  capture  of  the  Plate  Fleet  of  1627  had  been  a 
terrible  blow  to  Spain’s  ever-dwindling  credit. 

St.  Christopher  and  Nevis  had  been  temporarily 
cleared  of  English  and  French  in  1629,  but  the  greatest 
etfort  was  made  in  1633  when  Juan  de  Eulate,  governor 
of  Margarita,  destroyed  a settlement  of  trading  Eng- 
lishmen at  Punta  Galena,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Trini- 
dad,® and  then  passed  on  to  the  capture  of  Tobago  from 
the  Dutch  and  the  massacre  of  the  unfortunate  prisoners 
taken  in  that  island.^  The  Windward  Islands  had  also 
to  sutler  attack  and  the  Dutch  in  St.  Martin’s  were 
wiped  out  in  the  same  year.  St.  Martin’s  was  at  this 
period  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  Lesser  Antilles, 
for  it  was  everywhere  famous  for  its  salt  pans  and 
thither  collected  ships  of  all  nationalities  to  obtain  the 
salt  made  by  its  Dutch  colonists.  After  the  departure  of 
the  fleet  from  St.  Martin’s  and  in  order  to  avoid  the 
return  of  those  expelled,  a Spanish  garrison  was  left  in 
the  island®  and  there  remained  for  some  years.  Curasao 
was  held  by  the  Dutch  in  great  force  and  owing  to  its 
defensibility  succeeded  in  beating  back  the  attempt  of 
the  governor  of  Venezuela  to  capture  it  in  the  same  year, 
1633.® 

Needless  to  say,  the  news  of  this  Spanish , activity 
caused  the  greatest  uneasiness  to  the  Providence  Com- 
pany and  its  colonists,  and  some  extracts  from  a letter 
of  Minister  Sherrard  to  Sir  Thomas  Barrington  will 
convey  an  idea  of  their  attitude  towards  the  expected 

3 Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36322,  fo.  208.  Juan  de  Eulate  to  King, 
Margarita,  20  July,  1633. 

4 Ihid.,  36324,  fos.  89,  233. 

5 Add.  MSS.,  13977,  fo.  509. 

«75id.,  fo.  510. 


190 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


attack.'  In  J anuary,  1634,  he  writes : ‘ ‘ Blessed  be  God, 
that  hath  hitherto  put  his  hook  into  the  mouth  and  his 
bridle  into  the  jaws  of  His  and  our  enemies,  that  they 
could  not  so  much  as  make  any  attempt  upon  us,  and 
still  let  Him  say  of  them  as  He  did  of  Sennacherib — 
They  shall  not  shoot  forth  an  arrow  here.  Amen. — We 
have  need  of  prayers  and  faith  now,  if  ever,  considering 
our  imminent  danger,  having  not  shot  for  above  a day’s 
fight  in  case  an  enemy  should  assault  us ; and  besides 
fifty  of  our  ablest  and  helpfullest  men  are  gone  from  us 
of  late,  some  to  the  Main  and  some  for  England,  so  that 
we  have  not  able  men  half  enough  to  man  our  forts  nor 
any  power  of  men  to  speak  of  to  repel  an  enemy  from 
landing,  so  that  we  must  now  console  ourselves  as  well 
in  the  want  as  if  we  had  the  enjoyment  of  means,  and 
cast  ourselves  upon  Him  that  made  even  the  Spaniards, 
yea  the  whole  universe  itself.  St.  Martin’s  is  taken  by 
the  Spaniard  that  would  engross  the  whole  world  to 
himself,  and  the  rest  of  the  Islands  that  are  inhabited  in 
these  parts  by  our  English  are  threatened,  and  who 
knows  how  soon  our  turn  may  be  if  God  divert  not.  . . . 
I am  sorry  that  this  island  hath  not  better  answered  their 
honour’s  expense  and  expectation.  The  Lord  in  mercy 
crown  their  honour’s  noble  undertakings  in  these  parts 
with  a glorious  success  that  the  Gospel  may  be  planted 
on  the  Main.  What  glory  thereby  would  accrue  to  God ! 
How  would  it  eternise  their  honour’s  names  to  posterity 
and  how  would  the  children  yet  unborn  bless  their  hon- 
ours ! ’ ’ Even  while  Sherrard  wrote,  the  blow  was  pre- 
paring, but  before  Providence  suffered.  Association  was 
attacked  and  its  colonists  scattered. 

The  great  island  of  Hispaniola  had  been  the  first  por- 
tion of  the  Indies  settled  by  the  Spaniards  and  had  in 

T Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2646,  fo.  58,  Hope  Sherrard  to  Sir  T.  B.,  Providence, 
6 Jan.  1633^. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


191 


the  earlier  years  of  their  domination  been  the  seat  of  the 
principal  government  in  the  Indies.  Owing  to  the  diffi- 
culty the  earliest  invaders  had  found  in  subduing  the 
Indians  of  the  northern  shore  of  the  island,  the  principal 
Spanish  settlement  was  founded  at  San  Domingo  in  the 
southeastern  corner  of  the  island,  and  in  the  great 
savannas  surrounding  the  city  almost  all  of  the  Spanish 
population  of  Hispaniola  was  gathered.  The  native 
inhabitants  of  the  island  had  been  exterminated  very 
early,  and  the  wide  forests  covering  its  northern  shore 
were  in  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century 
inhabited  only  by  a few  bands  of  Cimarones  or  negroes 
escaped  from  the  Spanish  plantations.  No  means  of 
communication  existed  through  these  dense  tracts,  and 
the  northern  shore  was  therefore  entirely  removed  from 
Spanish  influence ; for  this  reason  it  was  a favourite  base 
for  rovers,®  English,  French,  and  Dutch,  who  were 
accustomed  to  refit  and  obtain  fresh  victuals  in  its  num- 
erous harbours.  No  permanent  settlements  existed,  but 
each  nationality  among  the  rovers  had  its  usual  gather- 
ing place.  The  Dutch  mainly  congregated  at  San  Nico- 
las, the  abandoned  site  of  Spain’s  earliest  settlement  in 
the  island,  and  there  they  carried  on  a considerable 
industry  of  salt-making  and  of  curing  the  flesh  of  the 
cattle  they  killed  in  the  forests;  the  French  usually 
landed  at  the  island  now  called  La  Gonaive,  but  then 
known  to  the  Spaniards  as  El  Caimito,  and  at  a harbour 
on  the  main  island  of  Hispaniola  known  as  Gonaives.® 
The  only  settlement  that  up  to  1635  had  acquired  any- 
thing of  a permanent  character,  was  that  formed  by 
Anthony  Hilton  round  the  harbour  of  the  island  of  Tor- 
tuga that  we  know  from  the  Providence  records  as  Asso- 

8 An  English  pirate  had  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards  at  Tortuga  in 
1611.  Brown,  I,  522. 

9 Hakluyt,  VII,  160,  Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.,  13977,  fo.  509. 


192 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


ciation.  The  depredations  committed  on  the  shores  of 
Cuba,  San  Domingo,  and  Porto  Rico  by  the  rovers  who 
gathered  in  Tortuga  harbour  were  so  frequent  and  so 
destructive  that  the  Audiencia  of  San  Domingo  had 
resolved  in  1633  that  Tortuga  must  be  one  of  the  first 
pirate  strongholds  to  be  cleared  at  any  cost/“ 

From  the  report  to  the  Providence  Company  of  a 
Dutch  shipmaster,  Richard  Evertsen,  who  called  at 
Association  late  in  1634,  we  learn  that  the  settlement  then 
had  one  hundred  and  fifty  regular  inhabitants,  but  there 
was  such  a large  admixture  of  Frenchmen  among  these 
that  the  Spaniards  took  it  for  a French  settlement.  A 
fort  furnished  with  the  artillery  supplied  by  the  Provi- 
dence Company  was  supposed  to  guard  the  harbour,  but 
no  proper  watches  were  kept  and  no  military  discipline 
existed.  The  governor,  elected  by  the  planters  after 
Hilton’s  death  in  1634,  was  Christopher  Wormeley,  one 
of  the  original  adventurers,  but  he  had  little  control  over 
the  settlers  and  devoted  his  attention  to  making  what 
profit  he  could  out  of  incoming  rovers.  The  Spanish 
expedition^  for  the  surprise  of  the  island  was  got  ready 
at  San  Domingo  during  November  and  December,  1634, 
and  consisted  of  a force  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers 
under  the  command  of  Don  Ruiz  Fernandez  de  Fuem- 

10  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Providence  Company  were  quite  deceived  all 
through  as  to  what  was  happening  in  Association.  We  cannot  say  whether 
Hilton  ever  had  any  intention  of  acting  honestly  and  attempting  to  found 
a legitimate  colony,  but  by  1634  his  settlement  was,  without  doubt,  what  the 
Spaniards  called  it,  merely  a pirate  hold. 

11  The  full  Spanish  account  of  the  capture  of  Tortuga,  sent  to  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  on  12  June,  1635,  is  now  to  be  found  in  Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS., 
13977,  fo.  506.  Du  Tertre  says  something  of  the  capture  from  the  French 
side  (I,  169  sqq.) ; he  dates  it  however  by  error  in  1638.  Labat  and 
Charlevoix,  and  others  copy  Du  Tertre,  while  Esquemeling  in  his  History 
of  the  Buccaneers  with  his  usual  untrustworthiness  confuses  names  and 
dates  badly.  In  one  place  he  dates  the  capture  in  1630,  and  in  another  in 
1664  when  D’Ogeron  was  governor. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


193 


ayor.  The  force  was  embarked  in  small  frigates  and 
in  the  month  of  January,  1635,  the  attack  was  delivered 
without  warning.  According  to  the  Spanish  account 
some  six  hundred  men,  women,  and  children  had  been 
found  present  in  the  settlement  and  in  the  ships  in  the 
harbour,  but  hardly  a blow  was  struck  in  defence  of 
their  homes  and  the  ordnance  in  the  fort  was  found  dis- 
mounted and  unusable.  Gov.  Wormeley  displayed  the 
most  utter  cowardice  and  took  instant  flight  in  a small 
bark  for  Virginia  a few  of  the  colonists  succeeded  in 
getting  away  in  an  English  ship,  the  William  and  Anne, 
that  had  just  finished  loading  braziletta  wood  in  the 
harbour,  and  among  them  was  Mrs.  Pilby,  the  widow  of 
Samuel  Filby,  who  had  died  of  fever  in  the  previous 
summer.  The  William  and  Anne,  grievously  over- 
crowded, just  managed  to  escape  and  was  compelled  to 
land  a part  of  her  passengers  at  Gratiosa  in  the  Azores ; 
ill-luck  continued  to  dog  her,  for  she  reached  Europe 
only  to  fall  a wreck  on  the  shore  of  Belle  Isle-en-Mer 
(March,  1635).  The  first  colonists  who  were  captured 
by  the  Spaniards  were  ruthlessly  put  to  the  sword,  while 
of  those  who  fled  to  the  woods,  most  were  compelled  by 
hunger  to  deliver  themselves  prisoners  within  a few  days. 
No  more  mercy  was  shown  to  them  than  to  their  fellows 
and  Fuemayor  hanged  every  man.  The  settlement  was 
entirely  razed  to  the  ground  and,  after  remaining  about 
a month,  the  Spanish  force  sailed  away,  leaving  Asso- 
ciation a desert. 

The  turn  of  Providence  came  next,  but  the  governor  of 
Cartagena,  Don  Nicolas  de  Judice,  was  not  so  forward 

12  Wormeley  became  a somewhat  important  personage  in  Virginia.  From 
Acts  of  Privy  Council,  Colonial,  I,  p.  263,  we  learn  that  in  1639  he  was 
being  accused  by  Mrs.  Hart,  the  widow  of  the  Providence  Company’s 
husband,  John  Hart,  of  repudiation  of  his  just  debts.  He  became  captain 
of  the  fort  at  Point  Comfort  and  married  Frances  Armistead,  Mackenzie, 
Colonial  Families,  p.  12. 


194 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


nor  so  secret  with  his  preparations  as  had  been  his 
colleague  at  San  Domingo.  Providence  lies  on  the  flank 
of  the  course  of  Spanish  ships  sailing  from  Cartagena 
and  Porto  Bello  to  Mexico  and  Havana,  but  these  vessels 
sailed  mainly  in  strong  fleets,  and  the  small  pinnaces 
from  Providence  left  them  as  a rule  severely  alone;  an 
easier  prey  passed  close  by  the  island,  and  to  explain 
why  Providence  was  such  a convenient  base  for  pirates 
it  is  necessary  here  to  recapitulate  one  or  two  well-known 
facts  concerning  West  Indian  trade  in  the  early  seven- 
teenth century.  Two  fleets  convoyed  by  warships  sailed 
annually  from  Seville  to  the  Indies,  the  “flota”  steering 
for  Vera  Cruz  in  Mexico  and  the  “armada”  for  Carta- 
gena. The  European  goods  brought  out  by  this  latter 
fleet  were  exchanged  for  indigo,  cochineal,  hides,  and 
other  valuable  commodities  at  the  great  fair  of  Carta- 
gena, where  they  had  been  collected  from  all  parts  of 
Tierra  Firme,  or,  as  the  English  called  it,  the  “Main.” 
Besides  the  commodities  reaching  Cartagena  from  the 
provinces  of  New  Biscay  on  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Caribbean,  goods  came  mainly  from  the  districts  in  the 
kingdom  of  Guatemala  and  from  the  province  of  Yuca- 
tan. The  produce  of  the  rich  plain  of  Nicaragua  was 
collected  at  Granada  on  Lake  Nicaragua  and  despatched 
in  small  frigates  down  the  Desaguadero,  or  as  we  now  call 
it,  the  San  Juan  River  the  produce  from  the  region 
round  Guatemala  City  was  sent  over  the  mountains  to 
be  shipped  in  the  Golfo  Dolce,”  and  that  from  Honduras 
was  shipped  at  Truxillo  and  Puerto  Cahallos.  The  prov- 

13  De  Laet,  Novus  Orbis,  p.  263;  “Juan  a 30  lieues  de  la  Mer  du  Nord, 
sur  1 ’embouchure  du  lac  de  Nicaragua,  par  laquelle  le  long  d’un  long  et 
etroit  canal  a la  fa§on  d’une  riviere,  il  decharge  ses  eaux  dans  la  mer; 
elle  est  nommee  El  desaguadero  des  Espagnols  qui  transportent  les  mar- 
chandises  de  1 ’Europe,  qu’ils  ont  ete  querir  a Porto  Bello,  le  long  de  ce 
canal  a eette  ville  et  lieux  voisins.  ’ ’ 

11  Gage,  The  English  American,  London  1677,  p.  287. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


195 


ince  of  Veraguas  yielded  little  of  value,  but  what  com- 
modities did  come  from  Costa  Rica  were  mainly  ex- 
changed for  European  goods  at  the  second  great  fair 
of  the  year,  held  later  on  at  Porto  Bello.  The  small  ves- 
sels in  which  goods  were  carried  to  Cartagena  were  too 
frail  to  voyage  out  into  the  open  Caribbean  and  kept 
well  in  towards  the  coast  until  they  got  into  the  latitude 
of  their  destination,  when  they  steered  due  east  across 
the  bight  at  the  head  of  which  Porto  Bello  stood.  None 
of  the  frigates  were  armed  to  any  extent  or  capable  of 
great  resistance ; all  of  them  had  to  pass  close  under  the 
shores  of  Providence  and  could  be  readily  attacked  in 
small  pinnaces  or  even  in  shallops,  with  the  prospect  of 
a considerable  booty.  The  temptations  thus  displayed 
were  too  strong  for  an  old  rover  like  Elfrith,  and  from 
the  very  beginning  some  of  the  colonists  engaged  in 
piracy.  An  easy  market  for  the  plunder  could  be 
obtained  with  the  Holland  ships  that  frequently  touched 
at  the  island  and  it  is  to  the  facilities  thus  afforded  for 
obtaining  European  goods  at  a cheap  rate  that  we  must 
attribute  the  colonists’  disinclination  to  pay  the  high 
prices  demanded  for  the  goods  in  the  company’s  maga- 
zines. 

The  shrewder  men  in  the  island  saw  the  risk  they 
must  necessarily  be  running  into  by  this  piracy,  when 
even  the  mere  presence  of  foreigners  in  an  island  in  the 
very  heart  of  the  Indies  must  be  repugnant  to  every 
Spaniard.  The  governor  and  council  insisted  therefore 
on  renewed  energy  being  applied  to  the  work  of  forti- 
fication, and  on  the  taking  of  stringent  precautions 
against  the  admission  of  any  Spaniards  or  Spanish 
negroes  into  the  island.  The  moment  the  company  in 
England  learned  of  the  capture  of  Association,  they  sent 
warning  of  his  danger  to  Gov.  Bell.  But  the  Expectation, 
by  which  the  message  was  despatched,  early  in  1635,  did 


196 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


not  get  away  from  her  first  port  of  call  at  St.  Christopher 
before  July,  and  at  that  time  the  warning  had  been  long 
anticipated.  Providence  learned  of  the  surprise  of  Asso- 
ciation from  some  of  the  fugitives  very  soon  after  the 
event,  and,  needless  to  say,  the  whole  island  was  set  in 
alarm.  Redoubled  energy  soon  put  the  fortifications  in 
good  order  and  a constant  watch  was  set  for  suspicious 
ships,  while  Samuel  Axe,  one  of  the  company’s  best 
soldiers,  on  hearing  of  the  likelihood  of  attack,  left  the 
new  plantation  he  was  engaged  in  developing  at  the 
Cape  and  returned  to  aid  in  the  island ’s  defence. 

On  the  second  of  July,  1635,  the  Spanish  fleet  was 
espied  approaching  the  island  from  the  southeast  and 
constantly  sounding  as  it  came  among  the  encircling 
shoals.  The  force,  which  was  under  the  personal  com- 
mand of  the  governor  of  Cartagena,  Don  Nicolas  de 
Judice,  consisted  of  three  ships,  four  shallops,  and  one 
boat,  and  carried  a force  of  about  three  hundred  soldiers. 
For  five  days  the  vessels  were  feeling  their  way  through 
the  rocks  and  shoals  only  at  the  end  of  that  time  to  come 
under  the  fire  of  the  heavy  ordnance  in  Warwick  Fort. 
Again  and  again  the  soldiers  attempted  to  force  their  way 
in  to  the  shore  in  order  to  land,  but  again  and  again  they 
were  driven  back  by  fierce  musketry  fire  from  the  small 
earthworks  thrown  up  on  the  beach,  and  at  the  last  were 
compelled  to  retreat  in  disorder  to  their  ships.  A flag  of 
truce  covered  a message  from  the  Spanish  commander  to 
Gov.  Bell,  summoning  the  colonists  at  once  to  depart  on 
pain  of  the  penalties  attaching  to  piracy  and  announcing 
that  further  reinforcements  were  on  the  way  from  Carta- 
gena and  that  the  island’s  defenders  would  be  over- 
whelmed by  force  of  numbers.  But  coming  from  one  who 
had  already  been  repulsed,  these  threats  were  of  little 
avail,  the  English  were  quite  undismayed  and,  a defiant 
answer  having  been  returned,  the  battle  was  renewed 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


197 


more  fiercely  than  before.  So  battered  at  length  were 
the  Spanish  ships  by  the  shot  from  the  forts  and  so  many 
men  had  they  lost  in  their  futile  attempts  at  landing,  that 
finally,  seven  days  after  their  arrival,  the  Spanish  vessels 
slipped  their  cables  and  anchors  and  retreated  under 
cover  of  night,  in  haste  and  disorder.  The  attack  had 
been  repulsed  and,  for  the  time  being.  Providence  was 
safe. 

It  was  not  until  the  return  of  the  Expectation  to  Eng- 
land in  December,  1635,  that  the  company  learned  of 
the  Spaniards’  attempt  on  Providence  and  its  gallant 
repulse,  but  the  news  lost  nothing  of  its  importance  by 
the  delay.  We  have  shown  how  the  course  of  affairs  had 
been  leading  the  company  to  the  conclusion  that  perhaps, 
after  all.  Providence  was  not  destined  to  be  the  great 
refuge  for  the  oppressed  Puritans  that  they  had  hoped  to 
found,  and  the  capture  of  Association  and  the  narrow 
escape  of  their  whole  enterprise  from  overthrow  were 
sufiicient  to  confirm  the  view  that  Providence  could  never 
succeed  as  a mere  plantation,  but  must  be  developed  into 
a fortress  capable  of  withstanding  a powerful  attack  and, 
in  reprisal,  a base  whence  a profitable  privateering  war- 
fare might  be  waged  against  the  wealth  of  Spanish 
America.  As  has  been  shown  in  earlier  chapters,  this 
had  been  one  of  the  aims  that  had  led  to  the  founding 
of  the  colony,  but  from  1635  onward  it  comes  more 
prominently  to  the  front,  and  the  idea  of  Providence  as 
a home  for  Puritans  falls  into  the  background. 

The  Elizabethan  tradition  of  hatred  to  Spain  as  the 
common  enemy  still  lived  in  the  minds  of  Englishmen, 
but  nowhere  was  it  a more  vital  and  energising  force 
than  with  Warwick  and  his  associates.  No  one  had 
thrown  himself  more  whole-heartedly  into  the  schemes  of 
the  Providence  Company  than  had  John  Pym  and  to  no 
one  did  he  yield  in  detesting  the  Spanish  claims  to  world- 


198 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


wide  power;  in  joining  the  company  he  had  been  prima- 
rily moved  by  his  Puritanism  and  by  his  sympathy  with 
John  White’s  scheme  for  founding  a refuge  for  the 
oppressed,  but  he  had  grown  to  manhood  under  the  influ- 
ence of  men  who  had  shared  in  the  anxieties  of  the 
Elizabethan  struggle,  and  who,  under  King  James, 
believed  that  England  had  turned  from  her  true  path 
in  foreign  policy  to  dally  with  the  power  that  was  cease- 
lessly plotting  her  overthrow.  For  us,  who  know  that 
with  Philip  II  the  Spanish  power  had  sunk,  never  to 
rise  again,  it  is  hard  to  realise  the  intensity  of  fear  and 
of  hatred  with  which  the  Englishmen  of  that  generation 
regarded  their  ancient  enemy.  The  only  right  foreign 
policy  seemed  to  them  to  lie  in  carrjdng  on  the  traditions 
under  which  England  had  grown  to  greatness ; and  they 
^vished  to  continue  to  share  mth  the  Dutch  in  the  inex- 
haustible booty  of  the  Indies,  that,  as  they  thought,  had 
raised  Holland  and  Zeeland  from  poverty  to  wealth. 
The  zest  with  which  the  parliament  of  1624  had  turned 
from  the  humiliations  of  the  Spanish  Match  to  urge  on 
the  longed-for  war,  and  the  eagerness  with  which  that 
of  1625  had  granted  supplies  for  the  Cadiz  expedition, 
show  plainly  the  potency  of  these  \dews,  but  it  would 
be  hard  to  express  them  more  clearly  than  did  Pym 
himself,  when  his  voice  could  once  more  he  raised  ^vithin 
the  walls  of  parliament 

“The  differences  and  discontents  betwixt  his  Majesty 
and  the  people  at  home  have,  in  all  likelihood,  diverted 
his  royal  thoughts  and  counsels  from  those  great  oppor- 
tunities which  he  might  have  not  only  to  weaken  the 
House  of  Austria  and  to  restore  the  Palatinate,  but  to 
gain  himself  a higher  pitch  of  power  and  greatness  than 
any  of  his  ancestors.  For  it  is  not  unkno^vn  how  weak, 

15  Speech  to  the  Short  Parliament,  April,  1640,  Forster,  Life  of  Pym,  p. 
117. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


199 


how  distracted,  how  discontented  the  Spanish  colonies 
are  in  the  West  Indies.  There  are  now  in  those  parts, 
in  New  England,  Virginia  and  the  Carib  Islands  and 
in  the  Barmudos,  at  least  60,000  able  persons  of  this 
nation,  many  of  them  well-armed  and  their  bodies  sea- 
soned to  that  climate,  which,  with  a very  small  charge 
might  be  set  down  in  some  advantageous  parts  of  those 
pleasant,  rich  and  fruitful  countries  and  easily  make  his 
Majesty  master  of  all  that  treasure,  which  not  only 
foments  the  war  but  is  the  great  support  of  popery  in  all 
parts  of  Christendom.  ’ ' 

Holding  such  views  it  was  easy  for  Pym  to  convince 
himself  that  the  Providence  enterprise  was  worth  carry- 
ing on,  even  though  it  should  have  to  be  through  the 
agency  of  men  who  did  not  see  eye  to  eye  with  him  in 
matters  of  religion.  It  is  this  power  of  realising  that  it 
might  be  possible  to  secure  worthy  ends,  though  the  tools 
employed  might  not  conform  to  the  most  rigid  standard 
of  orthodoxy,  that  distinguishes  the  leaders  of  the  Eng- 
lish Puritans,  and  especially  Pym,  from  the  unbending 
rulers  of  New  England,  such  as  Endecott  and  Dudley. 
Pym  was  essentially  an  opportunist  in  the  best  sense  of 
the  term;  while  an  idea  seemed  to  him  possible  of  ful- 
filment, all  his  energies  were  devoted  to  carrying  it  out, 
but  if  circumstances  proved  too  strong  for  him  and  the 
idea  had  to  be  abandoned,  he  was  always  ready  to  modify 
his  course  and,  with  no  abandonment  of  principle,  to 
work  with  the  means  at  hand  for  the  fruition  of  some 
cognate  purpose.  Providence  was  no  home  for  a strictly 
Puritan  community,  but  it  had  great  possibilities  for 
the  furtherance  of  English  aggrandisement  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Spain.  The  Dutch  were  carving  out  for  them- 
selves an  empire  in  Brazil.  Why  should  not  England, 
from  Providence  as  a base,  carve  out  for  herself  another 
dominion  in  Central  America  and  found  a second  Brazil 


200 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


upon  the  shores  of  New  Spain?  In  so  doing  she  would 
be  crippling  still  further  the  enemy  of  God  and  man,  and 
advancing  her  own  resources  at  his  expense.  The  words 
of  a writer  of  the  time  concerning  the  Dutch  are  just  as 
true  when  applied  to  Pym  and  Warwick  and  their  part- 
ners; they  “hated  Spain  and  the  Pope  with  a perfect 
hatred  and  firmly  believed  that  in  plundering  the  Span- 
iard they  were  best  serving  not  merely  their  own  interests 
but  the  cause  of  God  and  the  true  religion.’”®  Prom  1635 
onwards,  therefore,  this  was  to  be  the  object  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company,  and  the  putting  aside  of  the  earlier 
object  without  its  abandonment  can  be  no  better  summed 
up  than  in  the  words  Pym  addressed  to  the  adventurers : 
“Although  we  cannot  procure  so  many  religious  persons 
as  we  desire,  yet,  when  the  place  [Providence]  is  safe, 
godly  persons  and  families  will  be  encouraged  to  trans- 
port themselves ; and  though  God  succour  not  our  endeav- 
ours in  that,  yet  we  may  make  a civil  commodity  of  it, 
upholding  the  profession  of  religion,  moral  duty,  and 
justice,  till  God  shall  please  to  plant  amongst  us  a more 
settled  Church.  . . . The  planters  must  be  heartened  for 
the  defence  of  the  island,  lest  otherwise  his  Majesty  do 
lose  a place  apt  to  be  made  of  much  advantage  and  use  to 
this  kingdom  as  any  we  know  of  the  like  bigness  in  the 
world.  The  strengthening  thereof  we  must  most  spe- 
cially regard  (though  in  itself  it  never  answer  profit), 
for  the  better  maintaining  our  trade  upon  the  Main,  it 
being  so  convenient  for  a storehouse  of  provision  and  so 
fit  to  receive  and  keep  the  goods,  which  shall  by  negotia- 
tion be  procured,  and  for  a retreat  upon  all  occasions.” 
Such  words  as  these  from  their  trusted  treasurer  were 
sufficient  to  clinch  the  determination  of  the  active  mem- 
bers of  the  company  to  carry  on  their  work  despite  their 

18  Barlffius,  Brasilianische  Geschichte,  p.  34,  quoted  by  Edmundson  in 
Eng.  Hist.  Bev.,  1896,  p.  233. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


201 


many  difficulties.  They  felt,  however,  that  the  task  had 
become  so  dangerous  and  so  much  a matter  of  national 
concern  that  the  government  should  be  appealed  to  for 
help  in  carrying  it  on,  and  they  took  steps  to  lay  their 
petition  before  the  king  without  delay. 

On  learning  of  the  capture  of  Association,  the  com- 
pany had  resolved  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  them 
to  free  themselves  from  charges  of  remissness  and 
negligence  in  their  care  of  the  island,  and  a memorandum 
was  drawn  up  for  presentation  to  Charles  through  the 
Earl  of  Holland,  the  governor  of  the  company.  In  this 
memorandum  it  was  shown  that  Association  was  never 
planted  by  the  Providence  Company  of  their  own  motion, 
but  that  in  return  for  a promise  by  the  planters  there  to 
pay  one-twentieth  of  their  profits,  the  company  had 
agreed  to  supply  them  with  ordnance  and  recruits.  This 
was  done  in  order  to  prevent  the  planters  placing  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  the  Dutch,  but  it  was 
pointed  out  that  Association  was  always  “a  mixed  plan- 
tation consisting  of  English,  Dutch,  and  French,  whereby 
the  Spaniard  was  moved  the  rather  to  watch  an  oppor- 
tunity for  their  displanting.  This  mixture  was  admitted 
by  the  planters  without  the  company’s  direction  or 
knowledge.  ’ ’ While  the  governor  appointed  by  the  com- 
pany was  alive,  the  island  was  kept  safe,  but  when  he 
died,  the  planters  themselves  elected  a governor  who 
was  neglectful  of  his  watch  and  by  his  incompetence  and 
cowardice  left  the  island  defenceless,  and  for  this  the 
company  could  not  legitimately  be  held  responsible. 

The  presentation  of  this  memorandum  was  an  entirely 
informal  matter  and  no  official  notice  seems  to  have  been 
taken  of  it,  but  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  attack 
upon  Providence  was  much  more  seriously  regarded,  and 
a declaration  concerning  it,  together  \vith  a demand  for 
redress,  were  forthwith  drawn  up  and  presented  without 


202 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


an  instant’s  delay  to  the  governor  of  the  company  for 
delivery  to  the  crown.  The  declaration,  which  is  written 
in  the  hand  of  Secretary  Jessop,  is  still  extant  among  the 
State  Papers,^’’  and  was  presented  by  the  Earl  of  Hol- 
land to  the  king  at  the  council  board  at  Whitehall  on 
Sunday,  the  27th  of  December,  1635.  After  recounting 
the  circumstances  of  the  Spanish  attack  and  its  repulse, 
the  declaration  proceeds:  “Upon  this  occasion  it  be- 
hoves us  to  put  your  Lordship  in  mind  (being  our  Gov- 
ernor) of  the  extraordinary  importance  of  the  place,  able 
to  give  his  Majesty  a great  power  in  the  West  Indian 
Seas  and  a profitable  interest  in  the  trade  of  the  richest 
part  of  America.  So  strong  by  nature  as  it  is  hardly 
accessible,  having  a large  harbour  with  a very  narrow 
entrance,  where  may  ride  100  ships  of  good  burthen 
under  the  safeguard  of  such  forts  as  we  have  already 
built;  being  distant  40  leagues  from  the  next  continent 
and  no  sign  at  all  that  any  man  had  ever  set  foot  there 
until  we  took  possession  of  it  for  the  Crown  of  England. 
Upon  this  island  (as  y*".  LoP.  knows)  we  have  bestowed 
Thirty  Thousand  Pounds  above  what  has  been  returned 
from  thence,  although  his  Majesty  has  received  £1000  in 
one  year  for  Custom. 

“The  discouragements  we  daily  meet  with  both  of  loss 
and  danger,  do  disable  us  to  proceed  in  any  further 
charge  unless  his  Majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to 
give  us  leave  to  right  ourselves  of  this  [that  is,  the 
attack]  and  former  injuries  done  by  the  Spaniards ; for 
y*".  LoP  may  remember  that  we  had  divers  men  slain  and 
goods  spoiled  the  last  year,^®  and  about  four  years  since 
a ship  of  ours^®  was  attempted  by  the  Spaniards,  in  which 
fight  our  Captain  lost  one  of  his  eyes  and  10  or  12  men 

17  Col.  Pap.,  VIII,  81. 

18  At  Association,  January,  163%. 

19  The  Seaflower,  see  p.  112. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


203 


were  slain  and  hurt  without  any  provocation  at  any  time 
on  our  part,  we  having  always  given  strict  order  that 
none  of  our  men  should  offer  the  least  distaste  unto  the 
Spaniards. 

“We  do  make  the  more  speed  to  give  y^  Lop  notice 
hereof  because  the  Spanish  commanders  which  thus  sum- 
moned and  assaulted  the  island,  did  publish  an  intention 
of  their  Kang  to  send  greater  forces  to  destroy  that  and 
other  English  plantations. 

“Whereupon  the  inhabitants  of  the  Island  have  written 
unto  us  that  they  must  desert  the  place,  if  they  be  not 
relieved  by  May  next,  which  cannot  be  effected  unless  we 
go  presently  in  hand  with  provisions. 

“All  which  we  leave  to  y^  Lop’®  consideration,  that 
some  sudden  resolution  may  be  taken  to  encourage  other 
Adventurers  to  join  with  us,  and  so  hearten  the  Planters 
for  defence  of  the  island,  lest  otherwise  his  Majesty  lose 
a place  apt  to  be  made  of  much  advantage  and  use  to  this 
kingdom  as  any  we  know  of  the  like  bigness  in  the  world, 
and  y’^  LoP  with  ourselves  sustain  a great  prejudice  in 
the  loss  of  all  the  adventures  which  were  first  undertaken 
in  the  time  of  war  betwixt  his  Majesty  and  the  King  of 
Spain,  when  we  conceived  that  this  design  would  [give] 
his  Majesty’s  subjects  opportunity  of  repairing  all  the 
losses  sustained  by  the  Dunkirkers  or  any  other  then  in 
opposition  to  the  Crown. 

From  Nicholas’s  notes  of  the  proceedings  in  Council,^^ 
we  learn  that  the  king  referred  the  matter  to  the  Council 
board  to  inform  themselves  of  the  importance  of  Provi- 
dence and  to  consider  whether  it  would  be  better  to  send 
venturers  to  hold  the  island  or  to  give  leave  to  the  adven- 
turers to  offend  the  Spaniards  there  by  way  of  reprisal. 

20  [Endorsed]  “Presented  Sunday,  27th  Deo.  to  the  King  in  Council  by 
the  Earl  of  Holland.  ’ ’ 

21  S.  P.  Dora.,  Car.  I,  eccvii,  no.  19.  27  Dee.,  1635. 


204 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  secretaries  were  directed  to  see  how  far  it  lay  with 
the  Anglo-Spanish  treaty  of  1630  to  suffer  his  Majesty’s 
ships  to  defend  themselves  and  to  offend  any  if  they  be 
offended,  being  beyond  the  line.  The  investigation  of  the 
matter  was  entrusted  to  the  secretary  of  state,  Sir  John 
Coke,  and  the  original  draft  of  his  conclusions  in  his  own 
handwriting  is  now  preserved  among  the  State  Papers.^^ 
The  memorial  is  of  great  interest  in  our  enquiry  as  giv- 
ing an  unbiased  survey  of  the  company’s  affairs,  but  it 
is  too  long  to  be  produced  in  extenso  and  we  must  confine 
ourselves  to  a few  extracts  from  it.  It  begins  with  an 
account  of  the  strategical  position  of  the  island: 

‘ ‘ The  island  called  St.  Cathelina  by  the  Spaniards  and 
by  our  men  the  Island  of  Providence,  is  situated  within 
the  tropic,  betwixt  12  and  13  degrees  of  the  northerly 
latitude  from  the  Equinoctial.  It  lieth  in  the  high  way 
of  the  Spanish  fleets  that  come  from  Cartagena,  from 
which  it  lieth  about  100  leagues  and  from  Porto  Bello  80 
leagues  and  about  80  leagues  also  from  the  Bay  of  Nico- 
raga,^^  at  which  place  of  the  terra  firma  the  Spaniards 
have  great  trade  for  their  treasure,  and  all  ships  that 
come  from  these  places  must  pass  on  the  one  or  other 
side  of  the  island  within  20  leagues  and  may  be  easily 
discovered  from  thence.  From  Virginia  it  is  distant 
about  1900  leagues,  though  in  their  course  homewards 
they  come  near  it.  . . . [The  island]  will  yield  provision 
sufficient  for  1000  men  besides  women  and  children.  Now 
there  are  of  white  persons  about  500,  women  about  30  or 
40.  . . . For  strength  the  access  is.  very  difficult  and  a 
ship  cannot  get  in  without  much  danger  of  rocks  and 
shoals.  On  nine  parts  of  ten  the  island  is  compassed  with 
rock  whereof  most  are  seen  and  others  under  water. 
Betwixt  the  rocks  above  and  those  under  water  there  is 

22  Col.  Pap.,  VIII,  83.  Many  erasures  and  much  altered  by  Coke  in  parts. 

23  That  is,  the  Nicaragua  or  San  Juan  River. 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


205 


a channel  so  narrow  that  but  one  ship  at  once  can  well 
pass  through  it.  They  come  in  with  a trade  wind,  which 
bloweth  always  except  in  part  of  October,  in  November 
and  part  of  December,  in  all  two  months,  when  northerly 
winds  blow,  which  are  very  boisterous.  No  ships  can 
lie  long  about  the  island,  nor  ride  at  anchor  safely,  save 
only  at  about  3 or  4 miles  from  the  Island  and  that  but 
in  fair  weather  and  then  they  are  also  subject  to  fretting 
their  cables  with  the  rocks,  and  if  any  storm  they  are  in 
great  danger.  The  Island  hath  but  one  harbour  on  the 
[north]  side,  which  will  contain  3 or  4 score  sail  of  ships 
of  300  tons,  for  greater  ships  cannot  get  in  without  much 
care,  because  they  will  want  breadth  to  turn  in  and  must 
come  in  sounding  all  the  way.  They  ride  within  at  20 
or  24  foot  water,  very  good  and  safe  ground  and  free 
from  all  danger  of  winds,  being  enclosed  by  a promon- 
tory that  keepeth  it  very  safe.  The  harbour  is  defended 
with  3 forts,  one  at  the  entrance  and  one  on  either  side. 
In  the  whole  island  they  have  13  or  14  fortified  places, 
which  have  ordnance,  and  no  ship  or  boat  can  approach 
but  within  the  command  of  two  or  three  of  their 
forts.  . . . 

“The  enemy  cannot  land  otherwise  than  by  shallops 
and  therefore  there  should  be  boats  to  hinder  their 
landing.  The  Spaniards  also  send  treasure  in  shallops, 
which  they  can  freight  at  places  along  the  coast  and  by 
these  shallops  may  be  met  with  much  advantage.  . . . 
Spanish  frigates,  as  they  call  them,  are  no  better  than 
shallops.  Many  are  very  rich.  . . . Other  benefit  from 
the  Island  is  not  to  be  expected  but  what  may  be  gotten 
by  trade  or  prizes.  The  trade  is  not  yet  settled.  . . . 
The  planters  are  discouraged  because  many  of  their 
Adventurers  are  fallen  otf,  more  than  half  the  last  year 
[1635].  They  were  whole  shares  18  and  in  all  contribu- 
tors in  quarter  shares  to  make  24.  . . . The  charge  aris- 


206 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


eth  in  sending  men,  for  every  man  they  have  severally 
costeth  them  near  Thirty  Pounds;  . . . £8000  a year 
will  not  suffice  to  supply  it.  . . . This  charge  cannot  be 
raised  otherwise  than  by  war  or  reprisal.  . . . 

“The  planters  find  not  themselves  able  to  maintain  so 
great  a charge,  but  may  be  able  with  the  king’s  leave  to 
put  it  off  to  some  others  to  save  themselves  and  to  afford 
his  Majesty  Ten  Thousand  Pounds  profit,  whereas  if  it 
be  taken  out  of  their  hands  by  force,  they  know  they 
shall  lose  and  can  expect  nothing  save  cruelty,  as  the 
Spaniards  use  to  all  nations  that  come  there.  ...  If  his 
Majesty  should  undertake  it,  they  expect  to  be  reim- 
bursed with  reasonable  profit.  . . . The  planters  desire 
his  Majesty’s  speedy  resolution  because  they  must  before 
the  spring  desert  it  or  supply  it:  which  will  be  hard  to 
do.” 

This  memorial  was  taken  into  consideration  by  the 
king  during  the  month  of  January,  1636,  and  he  also 
viewed  “the  plat  of  the  Island  and  Main  adjacent,”  that 
had  been  prepared  by  Capt.  Axe  for  the  company  and 
was  forwarded  by  them,  before  he  could  determine 
whether  to  grant  the  company  the  desired  assistance. 

The  ever-changing  conditions  governing  Charles  I’s 
tortuous  foreign  policy  were  at  the  moment  of  presenta- 
tion of  the  company’s  petition  not  unfavourable  to  the 
granting  of  the  required  permission  to  undertake  re- 
prisals. The  years  1634  and  1635  had  been  filled  with 
negotiations  with  Spain  wherein  Charles  was  prepared 
to  offer  the  alliance  of  England  against  the  Dutch  if  the 
Palatinate  were  evacuated;  in  August,  1635,  a definite 
alliance  against  France  had  also  been  offered  on  the  same 
conditions,  but,  when  Spain  showed  no  alacrity  to  close 
with  the  offer,  the  contrary  course  was  considered  and  in 
November  the  king  was  prepared  to  listen  to  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria  and  her  adviser,  the  Earl  of  Holland, 


SPANISH  ATTACKS 


207 


who  were  urging  upon  him  hostility  to  Spain  and  an 
intimate  alliance  with  France.^*  The  never-ending  battle 
in  the  Council  went  on  from  day  to  day  between  the  pro- 
Spanish  party,  now  represented  by  Cottington  and 
Windebank,  and  their  opponents,  represented  by  Holland 
and  Coke,  who  for  the  moment,  in  January,  1636,  gained 
the  upper  hand.  The  fact  that  the  leaders  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company,  Warwick,  Saye,  and  Brooke,  were 
actively  opposed  to  many  points  in  the  government’s 
home  policy,  and  that  steps  had  recently  been  taken  to 
frustrate  their  intention  of  emigrating  to  New  England, 
would  not  militate  against  the  granting  of  permission  to 
engage  themselves  more  deeply  in  the  West  Indies,  for 
such  action  would  entirely  fall  in  with  the  government’s 
forward  naval  policy.  Only  six  months  before  the  king 
had  prompted  the  republication  of  Selden’s  Mare 
Clausum, claiming  for  England  the  most  exacting  rights 
over  the  Narrow  Seas,  and  the  Ship-Money  fleet  was  at 
this  very  time  being  equipped  to  enforce  these  rights. 
All  things  combined,  therefore,  to  secure  from  the  king 
the  desired  permission  to  undertake  reprisals,  and  in 
January,  1636,  this  was  granted. 

The  procedure  in  the  matter  of  granting  letters  of 
reprisal  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a fixed  one,  but 
in  this  particular  instance  no  formal  letters  or  com- 
missions were  issued.  The  only  written  record  is  the 
report  of  a Privy  Council  meeting  antedated  to  coin- 
cide with  the  date  when  the  company  made  formal  com- 
plaint to  the  governor.^®  As  a matter  of  fact,  we  learn 
from  the  company’s  records^^  that  the  king  gave  the 

24  For  the  whole  of  these  bewildering  changes  of  front,  see  Gardiner, 
VIII,  99,  and  authorities  cited  by  him. 

25  August,  1635,  Gardiner,  VIII,  154. 

26  Col.  Pap.,  VIII,  90. 

27  See  also  Col.  Pap.,  X,  39. 


208 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


desired  permission  only  by  word  of  mouth  at  the  council 
board,  but  in  the  presence  of  Sir  Henry  Martin,  judge  of 
the  Admiralty.  It  would  seem  that  Martin  had  been 
specially  summoned  to  hear  the  permission  granted,  but 
the  whole  proceeding  is  a commentary  on  the  lax  and 
shifty  governmental  methods  of  the  time.  It  is  to  be 
wondered  whether  any  of  those  who  received  the  desired 
permission  thought  of  Raleigh  and  his  fate  twenty  years 
before  for  acting  on  a similarly  loosely  granted  permis- 
sion to  wage  private  war,  which  was  disavowed  when 
he  failed  to  succeed. 


CHAPTER  IX 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 

On  January  29,  1636,  a full  meeting  of  the  company 
was  summoned  to  Lord  Saye’s  lodgings  in  Holborn  under 
the  chairmanship  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  then  deputy-gov- 
ernor, and  Treasurer  Pjmi  there  laid  before  them  a full 
report  of  the  story  of  the  colony  as  received  by  the 
Expectation,  and  an  account  of  what  had  been  done  by 
himself  and  the  committee  left  in  charge  of  the  com- 
pany’s affairs  since  the  last  general  meeting.  To  the 
declaration  concerning  the  attack  on  the  island,  it  was 
announced  that  the  king  had  graciously  replied,  giving 
the  company  permission  to  right  themselves  by  way  of 
reprisal,  so  that  whatever  they  should  take  from  the 
Spaniard  in  the  West  Indies  would  be  adjudged  lawful 
prize.  It  was  now  necessary,  therefore,  for  the  company 
to  take  steps  to  provide  an  immediate  supply  for  the 
planters,  for  their  reputation  required  them  to  keep  on 
as  long  as  their  estates  would  bear  it.  The  state  had  a 
right  to  expect  of  them  that  they  proceed  with  a work  in 
which  the  honour  of  the  English  empire  was  so  much 
bound  up,  or  else  to  put  it  off  to  others  that  would  not 
let  it  fall.  Unfortunately,  Pym  told  them,  many  of  the 
company  living  far  off  found  the  burden  too  great  and 
desired  not  to  go  on,  and  it  was  requisite,  therefore,  for 
those  that  were  earnest  in  the  matter  to  make  all  the 
greater  efforts.  The  proportion  of  charge  required  to 
pay  off  debts  accumulated  in  the  past  and  to  carry  on  the 
work  for  the  future  he  computed  at  £10,000,  and  he 
desired  the  company  to  resolve  at  once  upon  means  for 
raising  this  sum. 


210 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  discussion  thus  initiated  was  carried  on  with 
great  vigour  and  all  kinds  of  ways  were  proposed  for 
managing  the  company’s  affairs  more  successfully  than 
in  the  past.  It  was  suggested  that  everything  should  be 
put  in  charge  of  one  man  and  Pym  was  mentioned  as  the 
best  qualified  to  undertake  the  charge ; his  practical 
spirit,  however,  refused  to  allow  him  to  place  himself 
in  so  invidious  a position  and  he  insisted  most  strongly 
that  everyone  subscribing  to  the  new  stock  should  have 
a vote  in  the  carrying-on  of  the  business.  Lord  Brooke 
was  not  so  backward  and  offered  to  undertake  the  whole 
affair  of  the  colony  if  he  might  have  the  sole  manage- 
ment and  not  be  bound  to  commit  his  designs  to  any. 
So  sweeping  a relinquishment  of  control  did  not  com- 
mend itself  to  the  adventurers  and  Lord  Brooke’s  offer 
was  declined.  It  was  finally  resolved  that  an  entirely 
new  stock  of  £10,000  to  carry  on  the  business  should  be 
raised  within  two  years;  for  nine  years  all  profits  from 
the  trade  of  the  Main,  from  the  islands  or  from  reprisals, 
were  to  be  paid  to  the  new  undertakers,  the  old  adven- 
turers having  no  share  of  the  profits  till  after  the  com- 
pletion of  nine  years.  All  those  joining  in  the  adven- 
ture were  to  have  a share  in  the  management 
proportional  to  the  amount  of  their  adventure,  and  Lord 
Brooke  undertook  to  underwrite  any  portion  of  the 
£10,000  stock  not  taken  up,  in  return  for  a corresponding 
voice  in  the  direction.  The  whole  share  of  adventure 
was  put  at  £500,  for  which  one  vote  was  allotted.  Those 
subscribing  for  portions  of  a £500  share  were  to  decide 
its  vote  by  a majority.  As  a result  the  sum  of  £3900  was 
subscribed^  by  the  middle  of  1636,  and  to  this  Brooke 
added  £1000,  though  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  fulfil 

1 Warwick  £500,  Saye  £500,  N.  Rich  £500,  Pym  £500,  Woodcock  £500, 
Barrington  £500,  Knightley  £400,  Eudyerd  £250,  Sir  William  Waller  and 
Thomas  Upton  £250  jointly. 


COUNTEE  ATTACKS 


211 


his  promise  to  subscribe  the  remaining  amount  up  to 
£10,000.  Application  was  made  to  the  lord  treasurer  to 
assist  the  company  by  the  abatement  of  the  customs 
duties  on  goods  sent  to  the  island  or  imported  from  it, 
and  several  attempts  were  made  to  secure  this  conces- 
sion, which  had  been  granted  by  King  James  to  the 
Virginia  and  Newfoundland  companies  during  their 
early  years,  but  no  success  was  obtained,  and  Pym  finally 
moved  the  company  to  put  up  with  the  best  treatment 
they  could  get  from  the  farmers  of  the  customs,  ‘‘they 
being  so  far  authorized  by  the  book  of  rates,  without 
addressing  themselves  therein  to  His  Majesty.” 

This  regeneration  of  the  company  at  home  occupied 
the  whole  of  the  winter  months  of  1635-1636,  but  imme- 
diately upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
Association  in  March,  1635,  Pym  and  Rich,  the  principal 
members  of  the  committee  left  in  charge  of  the  business 
of  the  company  during  the  summer,  had  taken  steps  to 
ensure  the  reoccupation  of  the  island,  and  a gathering 
up  as  far  as  possible  of  the  company’s  property  there. 
Several  names  were  discussed  as  those  of  persons  likely 
to  make  satisfactory  governors  of  the  island  and  among 
them  that  of  John  Hilton,^  the  younger  brother  of 
Anthony  Hilton,  who  had  remained  planting  in  Nevis. 
As  none  of  these  persons  seemed  entirely  suitable.  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich  suggested  that  a council  should  be 
appointed  to  govern  the  island  with  a president  to  be 
elected  by  themselves,  but  it  was  finally  decided  that 
Capt.  Nicholas  Reskeimer®  should  be  made  governor,  and 
that  he  should  be  supplied  with  fresh  ordnance  and  stores 
sufficient  to  defend  Association  satisfactorily.  The  Res- 

2 The  author  of  the  account  of  the  planting  of  St.  Christopher  and  Nevis, 
who  was  then  quite  a young  man. 

3 Or  Riskinner.  He  had  been  employed  in  command  of  one  of  the  mer- 
chant ships  in  the  Cadiz  expedition,  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  1625-1626,  p.  142.  See 
also  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1619-1623,  p.  557. 


212 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


keimers  were  a family  of  Flemish  origin,  long  settled  at 
Dartmouth  and  deeply  engaged  in  the  clandestine  West 
Indian  trade;  they  were  intimately  allied  with  the  cele- 
brated privateering  family  of  the  Killigrews,  and  Res- 
keimer  was  probably  acceptable  to  the  company  as  hav- 
ing a large  acquaintance  among  the  rovers,  who,  they 
now  realised,  made  Tortuga  a regular  place  of  call.  He 
was  recommended  to  the  colonists  as  a soldier  and  a 
gentleman,  whose  military  experience  would  serve  them 
in  repelling  any  further  Spanish  attack.*  Mrs.  Filby 
and  the  other  fugitives  who  had  reached  England,  were 
supplied  with  certain  stores  and  again  sent  out  to  the 
island  under  Reskeimer’s  command  in  the  Expectation, 
April,  1635.  The  carrying-on  of  the  plantation  was  thus 
provided  for,  but  it  was  also  necessary  to  do  something 
to  secure  the  £2000  owing  from  Hilton’s  estate. 

From  the  testimony  of  the  fugitive  planters  it  was  evi- 
dent that  Hilton  had  been  defrauding  the  company  right 
and  left;  he  had  pocketed  all  the  money  paid  by  the 
planters  for  goods  from  the  company’s  stores  and  had 
been  consigning  brazilwood  wholesale  to  one  Ashman,  a 
merchant  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  at  Middle- 
burg.  Over  two  hundred  tons  of  wood,  the  worth  of 
which  must  have  been  nearly  £5000,  had  been  despatched 
by  Hilton  during  1634,  and  the  William  and  Anne,  which 
had  escaped  from  the  harbour  of  Association  during 
the  Spanish  attack,  had  over  seventy  tons  on  board.  The 
wreck  of  the  William  and  Anne  at  Belle  Isle  had  placed 
this  valuable  cargo  in  the  charge  of  the  French  govern- 
ment and  the  company  had  to  institute  suits  in  the  French 
courts  for  its  recovery  and  in  the  Zeeland  courts  for  the 
recovery  of  damages  from  Ashman.  The  French  suit 

4 Eeskeimer  was  provided  with  30  muskets,  10  pistols,  2 pieces  of  ord- 
nance, 33  barrels  of  powder,  shot  and  match,  30  swords,  a drum  atid  flag, 
a large  supply  of  tools,  and  £20  cash  for  himself. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


213 


\ 


was  successful  and  the  company  in  conjunction  with  the 
insurers  of  the  cargo  managed  to  recover  the  greater 
portion  of  the  goods,  but  no  redress  could  be  obtained 
at  Middleburg  and  the  suit  had  to  be  abandoned.  Hil- 
ton’s estate  in  England  was  sequestered  by  Dr.  Rand  for 
the  benefit  of  his  wife  and  family,  but  the  company  man- 
aged to  seize  all  his  negroes,  who  had  escaped  to  the 
mountains  in  Tortuga,  and  these  along  with  some  women 
negroes®  were  sent  over  to  Providence. 

Reskeimer’s  appointment  and  the  small  reinforcement 
of  the  colony  sent  out  with  him,  could  only  be  regarded 
as  a temporary  means  of  tiding  over  a difficulty  and  it 
was  evident  that  if  Association  was  to  be  permanently 
occupied  further  recruits  must  be  sent.  As  a matter  of 
fact,  Reskeimer  turned  out  quite  unfit  to  exercise  the 
government,  and  died  of  fever  almost  immediately  after 
his  arrival  in  the  West  Indies;  the  way  was  therefore 
clear  for  an  arrangement  that  had  been  for  some  time 
contemplated.  When  Rochelle  capitulated  on  October 
29,  1628,  the  last  Protestant  stronghold  on  the  French 
coast  was  closed  to  the  fleet  of  Soubise,  who  since  1625 
had  been  scouring  the  western  seas  and  had  succeeded 
almost  entirely  in  intercepting  French  commerce.  His 
ships,  when  their  home  port  was  closed,  had  to  take 
refuge  in  English  ports  and  to  disband  their  crews,  who 
were  left  to  fend  for  themselves  as  best  they  could.  One 
of  the  most  prominent  of  Soubise ’s  captains  was  De 
Sance,  who  was  well  known  to  a London  merchant  of 
Huguenot  descent,  Samuel  Vassall,  one  of  Sir  Robert 
Heath’s  principal  backers  in  the  attempted  colonisation 
of  “Carolana.”®  A large  number  of  De  Sauce’s  Hugue- 

6 This  seems  to  be  one  of  the  earliest  mentions  of  women  negroes  as 
servants  in  an  English  colony.  From  the  company’s  letter  we  learn  that 
they  were  regarded  as  a novelty. 

6 Sainsbury,  preface  to  C.  S.  P.  Col.,  1574-1660,  p.  xxiv. 


214 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


not  followers  were  despatched  by  Vassall  to  Carolana, 
but  they  failed  to  make  any  satisfactory  footing  there 
and  were  dispersed  before  the  end  of  the  year  1632. 
Another  partner  of  Sir  Robert  Heath  in  the  Carolana 
project  was  the  celebrated  William  Boswell,  who  had 
made  many  acquaintances  among  the  Rochellois  during 
his  service  as  an  English  agent  in  France;  in  1635  he 
was  a regular  attendant  for  a time  at  the  Providence 
meetings,  and  now  that  Association  had  to  be  reinforced 
and  already  had  a large  number  of  French  settlers,  he 
thought  it  an  excellent  opportunity  to  provide  for  his 
remaining  Huguenot  proteges.  He  therefore  introduced 
to  the  company  a Captain  Delahay,  whom  he  recom- 
mended for  the  governorship  and  with  whom  the  company 
entered  into  treaty.  This  was  a very  important  step  in 
the  history  of  the  Tortuga  colony,  for  many  of  Soubise’s 
followers  had  succeeded  in  making  their  peace  with 
Richelieu  and  had  been  sent  out  as  employes  of  the  royal 
“Compagnie  des  Isles  d’Amerique”  to  serve  under  de 
Roissey  and  D’Esnambuc  in  St.  Christopher,  and  it  is 
probable  that  some  of  them  had  been  among  the  many 
Frenchmen  who  had  already  reached  Tortuga. 

The  company  were  urged  to  come  to  terms  with  Dela- 
hay by  the  news  they  received  from  Association  in 
March,  1633,  by  two  returning  planters,  that  they  had 
been  closely  questioned  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany, who  had  expressed  an  intention  of  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  island  as  having  been  practically  abandoned 
by  the  Providence  Company.  After  Reskeimer’s  death 
the  eighty  odd  Englishmen  in  the  island  had  formed  a 
council  among  themselves  for  the  government  of  the 
colony  and  to  keep  in  subjection  the  one  hundred  and 
fifty  negroes,  twenty-seven  of  whom  were  the  company’s 
property.  Several  of  the  negroes  had  escaped  to  the 
woods,  but  the  planters  thought  that  they  might  be 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


215 


brought  back  into  subjection  if  there  were  more  white 
men  in  the  island.  The  French  were  beginning  to  fre- 
quent Tortuga  in  ever  greater  numbers  to  cut  the  brazi- 
letta  wood  and  to  lade  with  salt ; they  had  captured  some 
of  the  negroes  and  carried  them  away.  These  pieces  of 
information  caused  the  greatest  possible  concern  to  Pym 
and  throughout  the  spring  of  1636  we  find  him  suggest- 
ing ways  and  means  of  furnishing  Association  with  sup- 
plies and  men,  although  he  found  it  impossible  to  get  the 
company  to  adopt  any  of  them.  All  kinds  of  resolutions 
were  come  to  and  afterwards  rescinded  because  the 
adventurers  declined  to  provide  more  capital.  It  was 
found  that  a Mr.  Donnington  was  setting  up  bills  in 
London  offering  to  transport  passengers  to  Association, 
although  he  had  had  no  permission  from  the  company 
and  the  speculation  was  merely  a private  one  on  his  own 
part.  Pym  and  Saye  were  so  strongly  in  favour  of 
retaining  the  island  as  a valuable  harbourage  for  their 
men-of-war,  that  they  offered  to  go  over  themselves  to 
carry  on  the  plantation  if  the  company  would  support 
them,  but  the  rest  of  the  active  adventurers  were 
opposed  to  any  further  dealings  as  a company  with  the 
island  and  offered  to  turn  over  their  rights  in  it  to  any 
of  their  number  who  would  undertake  its  supply. 

It  was  finally  settled  in  June,  1636,  that  the  company’s 
rights  in  Association  should  be  vested  in  Brooke,  Pym, 
and  Saye,  together  with  their  merchant  associate.  Wood- 
cock, who  promised  to  provide  a supply  and  a hundred 
men  at  a cost  of  £1500.’’  Delahay  had  sailed  for  Tortuga 
while  the  propositions  for  its  arming  were  being  debated, 
so  the  governorship  of  the  island  was  conferred  upon 
Capt.  William  Rudyerd,  who  was  placed  in  command  of 

7 Brooke  £750,  Pym  £500  (£100  of  this  afterwards  subscribed  by  Eud- 
yerd  and  £100  by  Waller),  Saye  £250.  Woodcock  paid  the  cost  of  the 
voyage. 


216 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  James,  which  after  her  arrival  was  to  ply  for  prizes. 
During  Rudyerd’s  absence  on  these  voyages,  the  gov- 
ernorship of  the  island  was  to  be  placed  in  the  charge 
of  Capt.  Henry  Hunks,®  who  was  to  go  out  as  Rudyerd’s 
second  in  command.  Everything  was  prepared  and  the 
James  put  to  sea  in  August,  1636,  but  fate  seemed  to  con- 
spire against  the  undertakers  in  the  matter,  for  after 
being  badly  buffeted  by  storms  and  never  reaching  her 
destination,  the  James  returned  to  England  in  January, 
1637,  in  a nearly  sinking  condition.  Intelligence  was 
received  at  about  the  same  time  that  the  English  inhabi- 
tants of  Association  had  abandoned  their  plantations  and 
had  removed  to  the  main  island  of  Hispaniola.  The 
Association  design  was  therefore  abandoned  and  the 
subscribed  capital  devoted  to  fitting  out  a second  ship, 
the  Mary  Hope,  to  ply  for  prizes  from  Providence  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  Rudyerd. 

The  tracing  of  the  fruitless  attempts  to  resettle  Tor- 
tuga has  led  us  to  anticipate  our  story  somewhat,  and 
we  must  now  return  to  Providence  and  to  the  steps  taken 
by  the  company  to  reorganise  the  colony  as  a privateer- 
ing base  after  the  Spanish  attack  in  1635.  Capt.  Philip 
Bell  had  been  governor  of  Providence  for  five  years, 
and  Lord  Saye  and  other  members  of  the  company  felt 
that,  as  the  colony  was  to  be  given  a fresh  start,  it  would 
be  well  for  a new  governor  to  be  appointed.  It  was 
requisite  that  the  man  chosen  should  be  an  able  soldier, 
and  at  the  same  time  a godly  and  religious  Puritan; 
such  an  one  was  recommended  by  Lord  Brooke  from 
among  his  dependents  at  Warwick  in  the  person  of  Capt. 
Robert  Hunt,  who  had  seen  some  service  in  the  Nether- 

8 Sir  Henry  Hunks  was  a connection  of  the  family  of  Sir  Edward  Conway 
and  had  seen  service  under  him  in  the  Netherlands.  He  did  not  take  up 
the  Association  appointment,  but  went  to  Barbadoes  as  governor  for  the 
Earl  of  Carlisle.  He  was  succeeded  in  1641  by  Philip  Bell. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


217 


lands  and  in  Buckingham’s  expedition  to  Isle  de  Rhe. 
The  company  realised  that  in  superseding  Bell  they  might 
antagonise  a party  of  his  supporters  in  the  island  led 
by  Elfrith  and  William  Rous,  and  it  was  resolved,  there- 
fore, that  the  supersession  should  be  carried  out  in  the 
most  courteous  way  possible  in  return  for  the  mercies 
vouchsafed  to  the  island  under  Bell’s  government;  as 
all  the  conditions  of  the  original  contracts  with  Bell 
respecting  supply  of  servants  had  certainly  not  been 
fulfilled,  the  company  were  quite  prepared  for  “the 
clamours  they  may  expect  at  his  coming  home  for  not 
making  good  their  contracts.”  The  private  letter 
informing  Bell  of  the  appointment  of  his  successor  is 
very  cool  in  tone  and  shows  very  little  appreciation  of 
the  services  he  had  rendered  to  the  company;  he  is 
requested  to  continue  cheerfully  in  his  new  place  of 
councillor,  giving  assistance  to  the  new  governor  pub- 
licly and  privately.  They  trust  that  he  will  not  be  “trans- 
ported by  any  jealousy”  as  they  intend  nothing  towards 
him  but  what  may  stand  with  justice  and  honour;  they 
will  be  much  gladder  to  find  him  deserving  of  thanks 
and  reward  than  any  way  blameworthy.  After  the 
vicious  practice  common  to  all  the  English  colonies  of 
the  time.  Bell’s  supersession  was  a signal  for  all  those 
in  the  island  who  had  been  aggrieved  by  any  of  his  acts 
as  governor,  to  rise  up  against  him  and  attempt  to  secure 
satisfaction  from  him  in  his  private  capacity.  The  dis- 
sensions that  previously  existed  therefore  broke  out  with 
redoubled  violence  and  the  company  in  their  letter  of 
1637  had  to  speak  very  strongly  in  order  to  preserve  the 
ex-governor  from  complete  ruin.  The  judgments  that 
had  been  delivered  against  him  for  acts  done  during  his 
tenure  of  the  governorship  were  declared  null  and  void, 
and  his  goods  and  negroes  that  had  been  confiscated  by 
the  council  were  restored  to  him.  He  received  permis- 


218 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


sion  to  sell  off  his  plantation  and  goods,  and  returned 
home  in  June,  1637.  The  company  were  justified  in 
their  expectation  that  trouble  would  arise  over  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  their  contracts  with  Bell  by  sending  him 
an  insufficient  number  of  servants,  and  the  dispute  about 
the  matter  occupied  the  time  of  Treasurer  Pym  very 
much  during  the  latter  part  of  1637. 

Bell  desired  the  company  to  compensate  him  by  a 
money  payment  for  the  lack  of  the  labours  of  the  ser- 
vants that  had  been  promised  to  him  as  salary;  he 
alleged  that  he  had  received  some  twenty-five  less  than 
had  been  promised  and  that  many  of  those  who  were 
sent  ran  away  or  proved  unfit.  He  had  felled  much 
ground  to  grow  provisions  for  the  servants  he  expected 
and  was  therefore  involved  in  further  loss  when  they 
did  not  arrive.  In  all  he  claimed  £1250  from  the  com- 
pany, but  was  willing  to  write  off  £400  due  from  him  for 
store-goods,  tobacco  not  paid  over,  and  bills  discharged 
for  him  in  England.  The  company  replied  that  they 
were  only  bound  by  their  contract  to  supply  men  to  work 
for  him  in  the  island,  which,  as  it  would  tend  to  the 
strengthening  of  Providence,  they  were  ready  to  do,  but 
this  answer  was  obviously  disingenuous  and  it  entirely 
failed  to  satisfy  Bell.  After  six  months’  discussion  no 
progress  had  been  made  in  the  matter,  and  it  was  decided 
to  refer  to  arbitration  Bell’s  demands  and  Pym’s  excep- 
tions thereto.  Bell  nominated  as  his  arbitrator  his 
brother.  Sir  Robert  Bell,  while  the  company  chose  John 
Hampden,  but  refused  to  sign  any  undertaking  to  be 
bound  individually  by  the  arbitrators  ’ award.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  and  Bell’s  refusal  to  be  unconditionally 
bound  to  accept  the  award,  no  conclusion  could  be  come 
to  by  the  arbitrators,  and  in  May,  1638,  the  ex-governor 
petitioned  the  king,  who  ordered  the  lord  keeper  to  give 
attention  to  the  matter  and  decide  it.  The  company’s 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


219 


case  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Oliver  St.  John  and  in 
the  result  the  lord  keeper  decided  (November,  1638)  that 
particular  members  of  the  company  were  not  liable  for 
agreements  made  under  the  common  seal  of  the  com- 
pany, but  no  definite  conclusion  of  the  dispute  had  been 
arrived  at  two  years  later  and  Bell,  sick  of  the  delay, 
ultimately  in  July,  1640,  accepted  £50  in  full  settlement 
of  his  claims. 

The  rest  of  Bell’s  story  is  soon  told;  when  he  accepted 
the  Providence  Company’s  composition,  he  was  contem- 
plating a new  voyage  to  the  West  Indies,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 29,  1640,  he  received  permission  from  the  Privy 
Council®  to  transport  one  hundred  and  forty  passengers 
and  stores  to  commence  a plantation  on  the  island  of 
Santa  Lucia.  The  plantation  does  not  appear  to  have 
met  with  any  success  and  in  1641  Bell  moved  with 
his  followers  to  Barbadoes,  where  he  became  deputy- 
governor  on  Sir  Henry  Hunks’s  sailing  for  England  in 
1642.  On  Hunks’s  death  in  1645,  Bell  became  governor 
of  Barbadoes,^®  and  there  Ligon  visited  him  in  1647.“ 
On  the  seizure  of  the  island  by  the  royalist  fleet  under 
Lord  Willoughby  of  Parham  in  1649,  Bell,  who  was 
notoriously  parliamentarian  in  his  sympathies,  fled  to 
St.  Christopher  and  there  we  hear  of  him  for  the  last 
time  in  1669,  when  he  was  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
receiving  restitution  of  the  island  from  the  French.^® 

Capt.  Robert  Hunt  was  appointed  governor  of  Provi- 
dence by  an  agreement  dated  1 March,  1636,  and  a 
formal  commission  of  March  28,  1636.^®  The  expenses 

9 Acts  of  Privy  Council,  Col.,  I,  p.  290. 

10  Bryan  Edwards,  Hist,  of  West  Indies,  I,  325. 

11  Ligon,  Hist,  of  Bariadoes,  p.  24. 

12  The  Philip  Bell  of  1669  (.4.  P.  C.  Col.,  I,  506)  may  have  been  a nephew. 
See  p.  94,  note. 

13  Hunt  was  well  known  to  many  in  the  Puritan  party,  as  we  may  learn 
from  a letter  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  from  Samuel  Eeade,  his  brother-in-law. 


220 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


of  the  transportation  of  himself,  his  wife,  three  children, 
and  two  maid-servants,  were  to  be  borne  by  the  company, 
who  promised  in  case  of  his  death  to  do  “what  should 
become  them  in  honour  and  conscience  for  his  wife.” 
One  hundred  acres  of  land  were  allotted  to  him  for  his 
own  benefit,  together  with  twenty  servants  to  work  it 
for  him;  no  money  salary  was  to  be  paid,  but  he  was 
to  derive  all  his  recompense  for  his  pains  from  his  land 
and  servants.  In  the  very  full  instructions  issued  to 
him,  he  was  directed  to  bear  himself  indifferently  between 
all  the  parties  in  the  island  and  to  endeavour  to  compose 
the  acute  differences  that  had  arisen  concerning  Sher- 
rard’s  ecclesiastical  censures,  many  having  complained 
that  they  were  much  aggrieved  by  them.  The  general 
letter  from  the  company  to  the  governor  and  council 
March  28,  1636,  to  explain  the  changes  that  the  company 
had  resolved  to  sanction  in  the  island  in  consequence  of 
the  permission  they  had  received  from  the  crown  to 
undertake  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards,  is  of  enormous 
length  and  fills  sixteen  closely  written  folio  pages  in  the 
letter  book.  It  deals  in  the  greatest  minuteness  with 
details  of  all  sorts,  but  contains  also  some  general 
declarations  of  a change  of  policy,  and  these  are  all  that 
we  can  concern  ourselves  with.  After  congratulating 
the  planters  on  their  successful  repulse  of  the  Spanish 
attack,  the  company  inform  them  that  owing  to  the  dis- 
couragement of  many  adventurers  the  burden  of  the 
enterprise  is  now  cast  upon  very  few  shoulders,  but  they 
have  resolved  to  make  a further  trial,  and  keep  the 
island  for  the  honour  and  public  good  of  the  English 
nation.  A general  amnesty  for  all  offences  up  to  the 
day  of  their  deliverance  from  the  Spanish  attack  is  pro- 
claimed, and  everyone  is  exhorted  to  live  in  peace  and 

London,  5 March,  163%.  ‘ ‘ Mr.  Hunt,  I hear,  is  going  into  the  Isle  of 

Providence.”  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Coll.,  5th  series,  I,  217. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


221 


quietness,  love  and  amity.  The  permission  given  by  the 
crown  to  undertake  reprisals  is  confirmed  to  properly 
commissioned  ships,  and  no  man  is  to  take  prizes  from 
the  Spaniards,  whether  by  boat  or  otherwise,  unless 
specially  authorised  to  do  so.  Indiscriminate  attacks 
weaken  the  island  until  it  is  better  fortified,  and  great 
care  is  to  be  exercised  by  the  council  to  see  that  boats 
are  not  surreptitiously  taken  to  prey  upon  the  enemy; 
any  men  attempting  to  steal  away  secretly  in  this  fashion 
are  to  be  tried  as  traitors.  To  provide  further  for  the 
defence  of  the  island,  the  company  have  sent  a sergeant 
gunner  and  three  trained  soldiers,  “whom  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  hath  taken  from  Landgard  Fort  purposely 
for  the  service  of  the  island.”  The  Spaniards  will  be 
more  inimical  to  Providence  than  ever  now  that  they 
have  been  repulsed,  and  ceaseless  vigilance  is  to  be 
exercised  to  repel  their  attacks.  The  inhabitants  are 
to  be  drilled  once  or  twice  a week  by  the  soldiers,  so  that 
they  may  know  the  use  of  their  arms,  but  the  soldiers 
are  especially  cautioned  not  to  exhibit  a proud  and  over- 
bearing spirit,  but  to  show  mildness  and  justice  to  those 
under  them. 

Trade  with  Dutch  ships  is  still  much  disliked  by  the 
company,  because,  being  only  for  wine  and  sack,  it  has 
tended  not  to  men’s  health  but  to  the  increase  of  drunk- 
enness, disorder,  and  poverty.  The  Dutch  ships  have 
carried  away  almost  the  whole  crop  of  the  island,  and, 
even  when  the  company’s  own  ship  was  in  the  harbour, 
the  planters  preferred  to  trade  with  the  Dutch  and  run 
so  much  into  debt  as  to  mortgage  the  whole  of  their 
next  crop.  From  henceforth  the  company  will  refuse 
to  send  any  goods  upon  their  own  account,  but  they 
permit  their  husband,  William  Woodcock,  to  supply 
goods  to  the  planters  upon  such  conditions  as  may  be 
agreed  upon  between  them  and  his  agents.  Past  debts 


222 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


to  the  company’s  stores  are  forgiven  to  those  who  remain 
and  strengthen  the  island,  but  no  permission  will  be 
given  to  planters  to  leave  the  island  until  they  have  dis- 
charged their  debts  in  full.  Four  months’  supply  is 
sent  with  those  coming  over  in  the  new  ships,  and  by 
the  time  this  is  exhausted,  they  ought  to  be  able  to  fend 
for  themselves. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  pronouncement  of  the 
letter  is  that  in  which  the  company  definitely  announce 
the  abandonment  of  the  system  of  half  profits,  which  had 
been  so  much  objected  to  by  the  planters  in  this  and 
other  plantations.  The  conditions’^  are  imposed  that  the 
company  shall  be  freed  from  all  public  charges,  whether 
for  fortification  or  otherwise,  the  crops  are  to  be  sent 
home  by  the  company’s  ships  and  not  sold  to  the  Dutch, 
and  the  letter  goes  on  to  say:  “That  [the  planters] 

may  be  more  easily  moved  to  apply  themselves  to  build- 
ing and  husbandry  for  the  improving  of  the  land,  we 
have  resolved  that  all  the  same  shall  be  divided  into 
several  proportions,  that  every  man  may  know  his  own, 
and  have  a certainty  of  tenure  and  estate,  some  part  of 
the  land  for  the  Governor,  Captains  and  other  officers, 
and  the  rest  to  be  disposed  into  farms  and  tenements 
under  such,  the  rent  to  be  paid  in  tobacco,  cotton  or 
other  staple  commodities,  as  shall  be  indifferent.”  The 
estates  shall  be  allotted  in  fee  simple  at  a fee  ferm  rent, 
and  time-expired  servants  shall  be  put  upon  plantations 
at  this  fixed  charge.  When  the  island  is  fully  planted, 
they  shall  be  transferred  to  the  main  continent  and  there 
provided  for.  If  the  servants  prefer  it  they  may  remain 
upon  the  tenant’s  plantation  and  receive  from  him  wages. 
The  men  of  better  quality  are  to  have  about  fifty  acres 
of  land  apiece,  which  the  company  think  will  be  enough 

The  whole  of  this  scheme  was  worked  out  by  Pym  and  was  accepted 
at  his  suggestion. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


223 


to  maintain  the  master  and  fourteen  servants;  men  of 
lesser  rank  are  to  have  thirty  acres.  The  reserved  rent 
is  to  be  about  one-fourth  of  the  commodities  produced, 
but  the  company  cannot  prescribe  a definite  rent,  as  they 
hear  that  the  land  differs  much  in  quality.  The  propor- 
tions allotted  are  greater  than  the  masters  can  con- 
veniently manage  to  manure,  but  they  are  arranged  so 
that  large  courts  and  gardens  may  be  kept  round  the 
houses.  Every  planter  is  to  be  urged  to  enclose  his 
own  ground,  and  every  three  months  or  thereabouts,  the 
governor  is  to  inspect  the  plantations,  to  suggest 
improvements  where  necessary,  and  to  note  the  pro- 
portion of  ground  planted  with  corn,  with  tobacco,  with 
cotton,  and  so  on. 

In  the  decision  of  the  company  embodied  in  these  direc- 
tions, we  have  the  final  abandonment  of  the  system  of 
organisation  that  had  been  tried  in  so  many  colonies, 
from  Raleigh’s  Virginia  onwards,  though  it  had  never 
met  with  any  measure  of  success.  The  organisation  of 
Providence  was  the  last  collective  effort  of  the  men  who 
had  been  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  Virginia  and 
the  Somers  Islands  in  their  earlier  years,  and  once  more, 
as  in  those  colonies,  it  was  shown  that,  in  order  to  make 
colonists  use  their  best  endeavours  for  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil,  it  was  needful  to  give  them  a proprietary  inter- 
est in  it,  and  to  make  their  obligations  fixed  and  certain. 
The  constant  uncertainty  as  to  the  amount  due  to  the 
company  under  the  half-profit  system,  and  the  eternal 
bickerings  that  went  on  concerning  the  quality  and  price 
of  the  goods  supplied  in  the  company’s  magazines,  always 
tended  to  make  the  system  unworkable  with  the  intensely 
individualistic  Englishman  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  system  may  have  been  a necessary  phase  of  Eng- 
land’s colonial  development,  but  it  is  a striking  fact  that 
the  system  was  always  imposed  upon  the  colonists  by  an 


224 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


external  authority,  and  that  in  the  councils  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company  a prominent  share  was  always  taken  by 
men  like  Warwick  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  who  were  the 
especial  upholders  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  of 
the  ideas  of  colonisation  expressed  by  Gilbert  and 
Raleigh  at  the  end  of  the  century  before. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  upon  receiving  permission 
from  the  crown  to  undertake  reprisals  against  the  Span- 
iards, a reconstruction  of  the  company  had  taken  place 
and  the  whole  of  the  enterprise  was  placed  for  nine 
years  in  the  hands  of  the  adventurers  subscribing  for 
the  new  stock,  amounting  in  all  to  about  £5000.  This  sum 
was  in  part  expended  in  supplying  Providence  with 
ammunition  and  necessaries,  and  the  rest  went  to  the 
equipment  of  three  vessels,  the  Blessing,  the  Expectation, 
and  the  Hopewell,  for  a prolonged  privateering  cruise  in 
the  Indies  from  Providence  as  a base.  A treaty  was  also 
entered  into  at  Pym’s  suggestion  with  Sir  Edward  Con- 
way, whereby,  in  return  for  a fifth  part  of  all  prizes 
taken,  the  company  agreed  to  let  him  share  in  their  right 
of  reprisal  with  a ship  he  had  previously  been  intending 
to  send  into  the  Indies  provided  mth  a commission  from 
the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  Blessing  was  put  under  the 
command  of  William  Rous,  who  was  relieved  from  his 
command  of  Fort  Henry  in  Providence;  John  Leicester 
served  as  master  of  the  Blessing,  and  Cornelius  Billinger 
as  master  of  the  Expectation.  The  Hopewell  was  owned 
by  William  Woodcock,  the  company’s  husband,  and  was 
sent  out  on  his  account,  one-fifth  of  all  prizes  taken  being 
allotted  to  the  company. 

The  directions  given  to  the  masters  of  these  ships 
were  all  of  a similar  character,  and  as  all  subsequent 
regulations  of  the  company  concerning  prizes  were  based 
upon  them,  it  is  worth  while  to  consider  them  somewhat 
in  detail.  The  Blessing,  a vessel  of  about  two  hundred 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


225 


tons,  was  armed,  in  addition  to  what  she  had  previously 
carried,  with  new  ordnance  at  a cost  of  £182,^®  and  her 
ship’s  company  was  increased  beyond  the  usual  comple- 
ment. The  master  was  directed  to  acquaint  the  seamen 
with  his  designs  shortly  after  leaving  the  English  coast 
and  to  agree  with  them  as  to  their  proportion  of  the 
booty.  The  principle  of  shares  was  to  be  adopted  in 
preference  to  fixed  wages,  as  making  the  men  more  ready 
to  assault  the  enemy’s  ships  and  as  securing  the  booty 
from  embezzlement.  The  alternative  placed  before  the 
men  was  the  usual  one,  to  be  allowed  pillage  of  all  above 
deck  or  else  one-third  of  the  total  profit  obtained  from 
the  prizes.  The  Blessing  was  ordered  to  sail  to  Provi- 
dence via  Tortuga  Salada,^®  where  a supply  of  salt  was 
to  be  obtained,  the  services  of  the  passengers  she  was 
taking  out  being  used  in  the  lading.  At  Providence  two 
shallops  were  to  be  obtained  and  these  were  to  be 
manned  with  twenty  men  apiece,  one  to  assist  the  Bless- 
ing and  the  other  the  Expectation.  No  enterprises  of 
difficulty  were  to  be  undertaken  by  Rous,  but  after  con- 
sultation with  Leicester  and  Billinger,  the  will  of  the 
majority  was  to  prevail.  If  a prize  of  poor  value  were 
taken,  it  was  to  be  manned  with  a prize  crew  and  sent 
to  Providence,  where  her  goods  were  to  be  kept  safe; 
a prize  of  good  value  was  to  be  brought  to  England,  but 
all  prisoners  were  to  be  disposed  of  in  such  a way  as  to 
avoid  discovery  of  the  ship ’s  designs ; captured  negroes 
were  to  be  conveyed  to  Providence  and  there  disposed  of, 
save  those  who  could  dive  for  pearls,  who  were  to  be 
retained  as  the  company’s  property.  The  Blessing  was 
permitted  to  consort  with  any  English  or  Dutch  ship, 

15  Two  minions,  £25,  4 demi-culverins,  £139-2s.,  2 drakes,  £18. 

16  The  island  of  Tortuga  Salada,  or  Salt  Tortuga,  noted  for  its  salt  pans, 
must  be  distinguished  from  the  Tortuga  off  Hispaniola.  It  lies  not  far  from 
Punta  Araya  and  Margarita  off  the  coast  of  Venezuela. 


226 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


ton  for  ton  and  man  for  man ; if  any  good  Spanish  pilots 
were  taken,  well  acquainted  with  the  Bay  of  Nicaragua, 
the  Bay  of  Honduras,  or  any  part  of  the  coast  of  Terra 
Firma,  use  might  be  made  of  them,  but  if  any  came  to 
Pro\udence,  care  was  to  be  taken  that  their  liberty  did 
not  discover  the  weakness  of  the  island. 

'\\Tiile  they  were  employed  in  t]ie  first  instance  for 
prizes,  trade  was  not  to  be  entirely  lost  sight  of  by  Rous 
and  his  fellows ; strict  enquiry  was  to  be  made  wherever 
they  went,  where  indigo,  cochineal,  sarsaparilla,  ginger, 
rice,  or  any  other  commodities  of  value  might  be  obtained. 
If  gardens  were  found  near  the  coast,  they  were  to  be 
searched  for  commodities  fit  to  grow  in  Providence. 
When  a suitable  length  of  time  had  been  spent  in  the 
Indies,  the  vessels  were  to  steer  for  home  via  Bermuda, 
whither  they  were  to  carrj"  any  freight  the  governor  and 
council  of  Providence  thought  suitable.  They  were  to 
leave  it  in  Bermuda  in  charge  of  the  servants  of  War- 
wick, Saye,  N.  Rich,  or  Pym,  who  would  dispose  of  it  to 
ships  trading  to  New  England.  If  no  suitable  freight 
could  be  sent  from  Providence  to  England  and  the  ves- 
sels were  not  filled  with  prize  booty,  they  were  to  lade 
with  wood  at  Tortuga  or  with  salt  at  Hispaniola,  and 
this  they  were  to  bring  to  Europe.  In  case  the  island  of 
Providence  was  found  to  have  been  captured,  enquiry 
was  to  be  made  at  Henrietta  Island,  at  the  Moskito  Cays, 
and  on  the  Main  to  find  whether  any  of  the  inhabitants 
had  escaped.  If  there  were  no  chance  of  resettling 
Providence,  the  passengers  and  the  remaining  colonists 
were  to  be  transported  to  the  settlement  on  Cape  Gracias 
a Dios  and  this  was  henceforward  to  be  made  the  head- 
quarters of  the  ships;  but  if  the  enemy  after  its  cap- 
ture had  wholly  relinquished  Providence  it  was  to  be 
reoccupied. 

In  the  course  of  our  pages  very  little,  it  will  have  been 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


227 


noticed,  has  been  said  concerning  the  island  of  Hen- 
rietta or  San  Andreas,  although  this  was  included  in  the 
original  patent  of  the  Providence  Company  as  suitable 
for  the  company’s  activities.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
although  the  idea  had  been  broached  two  or  three  times, 
no  attempt  had  been  made  at  any  permanent  settlement 
of  the  island.  San  Andreas  is  a long  low  island,  largely 
of  a sandy  nature,  and  its  harbour,  lying  on  the  west 
side,  is  very  unsafe  and  exposed  to  the  prevailing  winds. 
The  island  did  not  lend  itself  to  fortification  and  the 
company,  therefore,  did  not  choose  to  waste  upon  it 
the  labours  and  expense  that  could  be  more  profit- 
ably expended  on  Providence.  San  Andreas,  however, 
abounded  in  fine  timber  and  became  the  scene  of  a 
quite  respectable  ship-building  industry,  and  many  shal- 
lops were  built  there  under  the  direction  of  some  Dutch 
shipwrights.  The  island  was  also  the  base  for  a great 
deal  of  the  surreptitious  preying  on  the  smaller  Spanish 
vessels  that  had  to  be  carefully  concealed  from  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  of  Providence  during  the  early  years 
of  the  colony’s  existence.  We  gather  some  light  upon 
the  proceedings  of  those  who  sheltered  in  the  island 
from  an  extract  or  two  from  an  extant  letter  of  one 
Roger  Floud  to  Sir  Nathaniel  Richd^  “Honored  Sir — 
My  last  was  by  the  Elizabeth  which  set  sail  home  the  24th 
of  March  with  a purpose  to  leave  Mr.  Key  ^vith  Capt. 
Cammock,  whose  pinnace  came  here  the  7th  of  April  and 
without  any  stay  went  to  Henrietta  to  saw  boards  for  a 
shallop,  where  by  an  unknown  accident  she  was  burned 
and  the  people  brought  here  by  a ship  of  Flushing  hired 
by  Governor  Hilton  to  bring  Mr.  Williams  with  car- 
riages and  wheels  and  other  munitions.  ...  If  Mr. 
Williams  can  meet  with  a frigate  and  take  it,  the  Dutch 

IT  Manch.  Pap.,  no.  420,  Eoger  Floud  to  Sir  N.  Eieh,  Providence,  16  May, 
1634. 


228 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


captain  wall  bestow  the  vessel  on  them.  ...  I offered 
the  Governor/*  if  he  would  let  me  go  with  5 or  6 men  to 
carry  Capt.  Cammock  the  news  [at  the  Cape]  I would 
take  my  shallop  and  bear  the  men  safe,  which  was 
regarded  as  a task  of  desperateness.  The  Dutch  captain 
and  pilot,  being  of  my  acquaintance,  made  offer  to  me 
and  others  to  sell  his  ship;  if  we  would  go  with  20  men, 
he  would  serve  us  a twelve-month  for  one-third  of  what 
we  should  take,  which  offer  was  refused  as  prejudicial 
to  the  peace,  yet  [if]  Captain  Cammock ’s  men  is  suffered 
to  go  and  take,  although  but  a fisherman,  the  breach  is 
no  less  than  in  a plate  ship.  ’ ’ 

The  Spanish  fleet  that  attacked  Providence  in  1635 
had  previously  reconnoitred  Henrietta  and  found  there 
only  a few  escaped  servants,  who  on  their  approach  fled 
to  the  dense  woods  covering  the  island.  After  burning 
the  few  huts  and  sheds  that  were  made  use  of  by  the  boat 
builders,  the  enemy  departed  to  the  attack  upon  their 
main  objective.  After  the  Spanish  repulse,  boat-building 
was  carried  on  in  Henrietta  as  before  and  some  pinnaces 
of  fair  size  were  launched,  among  them  the  two  that 
were  to  act  as  tenders  to  the  Blessing  and  Expectation. 
Salt-making  for  curing  the  flesh  of  the  turtle  found  on 
the  shores  of  the  island  was  also  carried  on.  In  March, 
1636,  William  Woodcock,  the  company’s  husband,  pro- 
posed to  the  company  that  he  should  send  on  his  own 
account  a number  of  men  to  raise  commodities,  especially 
dettee  and  annotto,  upon  Henrietta,  he  in  return  paying 
to  the  company  one-fifth  of  the  profits  but  bearing  all 
expense  himself.  He  had  recently  been  engaging  in  a 
similar  undertaking  in  Connecticut,  where  he  had  placed 
several  servants  to  look  after  the  flocks  of  sheep  he  had 
exported  from  England  in  partnership  with  Sir  Richard 

18  Gov.  Bell  of  Providence. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


229 


Saltonstall.^®  The  Massachusetts  immigrants  from  Dor- 
chester interfered  with  the  peaceful  occupation  of  his 
land,  broke  down  his  fences  and  allowed  his  sheep  to 
escape,  whereby  both  he  and  Saltonstall  suffered  consid- 
erable loss.^°  He  now  got  ready  some  fifty  servants 
under  the  command  of  one  Capt.  Andrew  Carter  and 
shipped  them  on  one  of  his  own  ships,  the  Hopewell. 
Carter  received  a commission  from  the  company  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  island  of  Henrietta  and  by  April,  1636, 
everything  was  ready  for  sailing,  when  for  some  reason 
Woodcock  resolved  to  defer  the  plantation  of  Henrietta 
for  a time,  and  his  men  were  ordered  to  Providence 
instead.  The  company  wrote  to  the  council  that  Wood- 
cock had  deferred  his  plantation  upon  Henrietta  and 
consented  that  those  who  were  designed  to  begin  a plan- 
tation there  should  be  left  at  Providence  until  a further 
number  could  be  sent  over.  The  defence  of  the  island 
would  thereby  be  strengthened,  “the  principal  thing 
considerable  in  our  designs.”  Woodcock’s  men  were 
directed  to  seat  themselves  together  on  some  part  of  the 
windward  side  of  the  island,  that  was  not  yet  planted, 
and  there  they  were  to  get  ready  provisions  for  their 
future  plantation.  This  body  of  men  under  Carter’s 
leadership  formed  an  important  addition  to  the  anti- 
Puritan  party  in  Providence  and  had  a good  deal  to  do 
with  its  ultimate  loss. 

The  Blessing,  the  Expectation,  and  the  Hopewell  set 
sail  from  England  in  company  in  May,  1636,  but  soon  lost 

19  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VI,  579,  Sir  Eichard  Saltonstall  to 
John  Winthrop,  jr.  See  also  5th  series,  I,  216. 

20  Lord  Brooke  to  John  Winthrop.  ‘ ‘ I am  informed  by  Mr.  Woodcock 
that  he  sent  over  the  last  year  [1635]  to  Connecticut  at  least  20  servants  to 
impale  some  ground,  where  they  might  improve  their  industry  to  his  ad- 
vantage and  wherein  he  might  feed  some  store  of  sheep.”  He  was  pre- 
vented by  the  Dorchester  men  and  Lord  Brooke  recommends  to  Winthrop 
his  demands  for  compensation.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  5th  series,  I,  240. 


230 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


sight  one  of  another.  The  Blessing  and  the  Hopewell 
arrived  in  Providence  after  comparatively  uneventful 
voyages,  and  William  Rous  having  taken  command  of 
the  former,  she  set  sail  on  her  roving  commission  against 
the  Spaniards.  The  Expectation’s  voyage,  however,  was 
by  no  means  so  uneventful  and  her  hundred  passengers 
underwent  terrible  privations.  She  had  not  long  left 
England  when  some  mysterious  sickness  broke  out  on 
board  to  which  Cornelius  Billinger,  the  master,  soon  fell 
a victim.  The  command  therefore  devolved  upon  Giles 
Mersh,  the  mate,  who,  instead  of  landing  his  passengers 
at  Providence,  refused  to  enter  the  harbour  and  retained 
them  on  board  to  augment  his  fighting  force.  Two  or 
three  Spanish  frigates  were  attacked  in  turn,  but  noth- 
ing of  value  was  secured  save  a few  negroes.  After 
setting  the  crews  of  these  frigates  on  shore  near  Car- 
tagena, Mersh  sailed  across  to  the  Moskito  Cays  and 
there  remained  for  fourteen  days  trading  for  negroes 
with  the  Dutch  slave-merchants  in  return  for  goods 
taken  out  of  the  supply  he  was  carrying  to  Providence. 
Leaving  the  Moskito  Cays,  he  again  bore  across  to  the 
coast  of  Terra  Pinna  and  there  met  the  Blessing,  whose 
captain,  Rous,  proposed  to  make  a joint  attack  on  the 
Spanish  town  of  Santa  Marta  guided  by  a Spanish  pilot 
he  had  captured.  Though  Mersh  agreed  to  assist  Rous 
in  his  enterprise,  by  his  dilatoriness  he  failed  to  take 
advantage  of  favouring  winds  and  the  Blessing  was  left 
to  make  the  attack  alone.  The  supply  of  provisions  on 
the  Expectation  had  by  now  begun  to  run  very  short  and 
the  seamen  and  passengers  were  practically  starving, 
though  Mersh  and  his  mate  were  living  riotously  in  the 
cabin.  The  sickness  again  broke  out  on  board  and  when, 
six  weeks  after  leaving  the  Moskitos,  the  Expectation  at 
last  east  anchor  in  the  harbour  of  Providence,  more  than 
forty  of  the  original  complement  of  one  hundred  passen- 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


231 


gers  were  dead  and  of  the  survivors  not  more  than  ten 
were  whole  and  well. 

When  the  Blessing  had  landed  Gov.  Hunt  and  the  rest 
of  her  passengers  in  Providence  and  Capt.  Rous  came 
aboard  to  take  command,  it  was  to  the  great  delight  of 
the  crew,  for  Rous  had  obtained  a great  name  in  the 
Indies  for  his  profitable  depredations  in  light  pinnaces. 
Thomas  Gage,  the  English  Capuchin,  who  was  sailing 
from  Porto  Bello  to  Cartagena  late  in  1636,  gives  us  an 
idea  of  the  hatred  felt  by  the  Spaniards  towards  the 
Providence  colonists  at  this  time:^^  “The  greatest  fear 
that,  I perceived,  possessed  the  Spaniard  in  this  voyage 
was  about  the  Island  of  Providence,  called  by  them  Sta. 
Catalina  or  St.  Katherine,  from  whence  they  feared  lest 
some  English  ships  should  come  out  against  them  with 
great  strength.  They  cursed  the  English  in  it  and  called 
the  Island  the  den  of  Thieves  and  Pirates  wishing  that 
the  King  of  Spain  would  take  some  course  with  it;  or 
else  that  it  would  prove  very  prejudicial  to  the  Spaniards, 
lying  near  the  mouth  of  the  Desaguadero,  and  so  endan- 
gering the  Frigates  of  Granada,  and  standing  between 
Portobel  and  Cartagena  and  so  threatening  the  Galeons 
and  their  King ’s  yearly  and  mighty  treasure.  Thus  with 
bitter  invectives  against  the  English  and  the  Island  of 
Providence,  we  sailed  on  to  Cartagena.” 

The  Blessing’s  roving  cruise  was  neither  a successful 
nor  a lengthy  one,  for,  having,  as  we  have  seen,  met  the 
Expectation,  and  arranged  to  attack  the  town  of  Santa 
Marta  in  concert,  the  Expectation  was  becalmed  and  the 
Blessing  entered  the  harbour  alone.  The  town  had  been 
warned  of  the  approach  of  the  English  by  the  Spaniards, 
who  had  been  put  ashore  from  the  Expectation  near  Car- 
tagena, and  Rous  met  with  a very  warm  reception.  The 

21  Gage,  The  English  American,  p.  450. 


232 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


fight  was  too  unequal  to  be  a long  one  and  after  the 
English  had  lost  several  men,  the  rest,  including  Rous 
himself,  were  compelled  to  surrender  on  October  20,  1636. 
The  prisoners  were  taken  overland  to  Cartagena  and 
there  they  were  met  on  his  landing  by  Thomas  Gage. 
He  says:^^  “I  stayed  in  the  Haven  of  Cartagena  for  the 
space  of  eight  or  ten  days,  where  I met  with  some  of  my 
countrymen  their  prisoners,  but  especially  that  gallant 
Captain  Rouse,  who  came  unto  me  to  complain  of 
some  affronts  which  had  been  offered  unto  him  by  the 
Spaniards  in  the  ship  whereby  he  came;  which  he,  not 
being  able  to  put  up  with,  though  a Prisoner  unto  them, 
desired  to  question  in  the  field,  challenging  his  proud 
contemners  to  meet  him  if  they  durst  in  any  place  of  the 
Havanna  (a  brave  temper  in  a dejected  and  imprisoned 
English  man  to  challenge  a Spaniard  in  his  own  country 
as  a cock  upon  his  own  dunghill).”  The  temper  that 
Rous  had  exhibited  in  Providence,  he  therefore  carried 
with  him  into  his  captivity.  Gage  with  difficulty  per- 
suaded him  to  abandon  his  attempt  at  satisfaction  and  in 
due  course  Rous  was  sent  to  Europe  and  arrived  a 
prisoner  at  San  Lucar. 

He  had  already  written  from  Cartagena  to  his  kinsman 
Pym  to  secure  his  release,  and  he  again  wrote  from  San 
Lucar.  Pym  at  once  sent  to  him  in  Spain  £20  out  of  his 
own  pocket  to  relieve  his  pressing  necessities,  and  in 
January,  1638,  he  informed  the  company  of  Rous’s 
plight.  Letters  were  at  once  obtained  from  the  king  to 
the  English  ambassador  in  Spain  requesting  Rous’s 
immediate  release  and  inquiring  what  right  the  Span- 
iards had  to  take  our  ships  prize  upon  the  coast  of 
America.^®  But  it  was  found  impossible  to  do  anything 
and  on  June  12,  1638,  Fanshawe,  the  English  charge 

22  Ibid.,  p.  452. 

23  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Spain,  Hopton  to  Windebank,  14  July,  1638. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


233 


d’affaires,  wrote  to  Secretary  Coke:^*  “There  depends 
another  business  here  concerning  one,  Captain  Rous,  who 
was  brought  likewise  from  the  Indies  to  the  prison  of 
San  Lucar  his  Lordship  could ' procure  no  resolution 
touching  him,  neither  can  I hitherto,  and  it  may  be  likely 
ih  my  opinion  that  the  issue  will  be  as  of  other  cases,” — 
that  is  to  say  that  no  official  order  would  be  forthcoming 
for  the  prisoner’s  release,  but  the  use  of  bribery  would 
be  tacitly  winked  at  and  the  prisoners  would  be  permitted 
to  make  their  escape  from  the  prison  of  the  Casa  de 
Contratacion.  The  expected  happened;  for  ten  months 
Rous  was  allowed  on  bail  in  the  town  of  San  Lucar,  being- 
supported  by  a sum  of  £75  sent  to  him  privately  by  Pym 
and  by  £100  borrowed  from  the  English  consul,  Paul 
Wadworth;  one  of  his  fellow-prisoners^®  having  ab- 
sconded, Rous  had  his  bail  withdrawn  and  was  cast  into 
the  common  gaol  of  the  town.  In  November,  1639,  by 
dint  of  money  provided  by  Pym,  he  managed  to  secure 
his  escape  along  with  the  other  surviving  prisoners  and 
at  once  returned  to  England,  where  he  was  content  to 
settle  down  for  a time.  He  was  in  later  years  elected  a 
member  of  the  Long  Parliament,  but  played  no  very 
important  part  in  its  proceedings. 

The  story  of  Rous  and  the  Blessing  has  seemed  worth 
the  telling  in  this  detail,  if  only  to  illustrate  the  fact 
that  the  English  sailors  of  Charles  I’s  day  were  subject 
to  the  same  vicissitudes  that  Hakluyt  and  Purchas  de- 
scribe for  the  Elizabethan  sailors.  There  had  been  as 
yet  no  break  of  the  Elizabethan  tradition,  the  old  feud 
was  still  kept  up,  and  stories  such  as  these  going  the 
round  of  English  firesides  made  blind  hatred  of  Papist 

24  S.  P.  Foreign,  Spain. 

25  Edward  Layfield.  The  ship  he  escaped  in  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Algerine  pirates  and  he  was  again  a prisoner. 


234 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Spain  still  the  dominant  motive  of  the  ordinary  Enghsh- 
man  in  foreign  politics. 

The  Blessing  and  her  consorts  had  sailed  from  Eng- 
land in  May,  1636,  and  in  the  same  month  the  company 
was  approached  by  Capt.  Thomas  Newman,  with  whose 
privateering  exploits  in  the  West  Indies  in  the  ship 
Hunter  we  dealt  in  a previous  chapter.  Newman  pro- 
posed to  the  company  through  Treasurer  Pym  to  under- 
take a voyage  for  reprisals  in  the  Indies  under  the  com- 
pany’s commission,  either  being  set  out  by  them  or  if  he 
set  himself  out,  paying  them  a fixed  proportion  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  voyage.  Pym  strongly  advised  that 
Newman  should  be  employed  and  was  of  the  opinion  that 
it  would  be  more  profitable  for  the  company  to  send  him 
out  in  one  of  their  own  ships,  as  by  this  means  they 
would  secure  a larger  share  of  the  booty.  This  was  the 
plan  accepted  by  the  company  and  a fresh  joint  stock 
was  started  to  provide  the  requisite  capital.  Nine  adven- 
turers^® subscribed  £1250  between  them,  and  to  this  New- 
man himself  added  £400;  a ship  of  three  hundred  tons, 
the  Happy  Return,  was  hired,  together  with  a smaller 
vessel,  the  Providence,  and  both  were  well  equipped  with 
ammunition  and  ordnance.  Some  twenty  servants  were 
the  only  passengers  sent  by  these  vessels  to  Providence, 
as  Newman  desired  to  undertake  hostilities  against  the 
enemy  on  his  voyage  out  and  civilian  passengers  would 
impede  his  activity.  The  vessels  sailed  from  England 
in  August,  1636,  with  the  same  commission  and  instruc- 
tions that  had  been  issued  for  the  Blessing;  their  voyage 
was  fairly  successful  until  its  last  few  weeks  and  we  must 
return  to  some  consideration  of  it  later. 

Owing  to  the  terrible  visitation  of  the  plague  that 
afflicted  England  throughout  the  later  part  of  1636,  there 

26  Saye  £200,  Brooke  £200,  Rudyerd  £50,  N.  Rich  £100,  Pym  £200, 
Gordon  £50,  Barley  £100,  Barrington  £100,  Woodcock  £200,  Waller  £50. 


COUNTER  ATTACKS 


235 


was  an  entire  intermission  of  the  company’s  meetings 
from  June,  1636,  to  January,  1637,  and  the  small  amount 
of  business  that  had  to  be  carried  on  was  left  in  the 
hands  of  Secretary  Jessop.  In  December  the  James, 
under  the  command  of  Capt.  William  Rudyerd,  that  had 
sailed  to  recolonise  Association  in  June,  1636,  put  back 
into  Plymouth  utterly  disabled.  The  news  was  carried 
to  Pym,  who  was  then  staying  with  Lord  Brooke  at  his 
country  seat,  Warwick  Castle;  they  with  Lord  Saye,  who 
was  also  staying  at  the  castle,  decided  that  the  design 
upon  Association  should  be  abandoned,  and  that  Rud- 
yerd should  be  placed  in  command  of  a new  vessel,  the 
Mary  Hope,  and  despatched  to  the  West  Indies  on  a prize 
voyage,  financed  by  the  remainder  of  the  amount  sub- 
scribed for  the  Association  design.  The  instructions  for 
his  voyage  were  similar  in  form  to  those  issued  to  others 
of  the  company’s  captains,  but  there  was  one  important 
addition.  Pym  had  begun  to  find  that  the  company’s 
permission  to  undertake  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards 
had  a high  commercial  value,  and  that  considerable  sums 
might  be  made  by  issuing  licenses  or  commissions  to  act 
under  it  for  a percentage  of  the  profits  obtained.  Rud- 
yerd was  therefore  instructed  to  stay  any  Englishmen 
whom  he  found  trading  within  the  limits  of  the  com- 
pany’s patents  without  their  licenses.  Any  hostile  action 
against  Spain  by  other  Englishmen  he  was  to  prevent  in 
as  far  as  he  was  able.  Such  an  order  was  obviously  futile 
and  incapable  of  fulfilment,  but  it  was  a useful  advertise- 
ment to  the  merchants,  who  desired  to  undertake  priva- 
teering voyages,  that  the  Providence  Company  had  a 
valuable  article  to  dispose  of  and  would  be  pleased  to  do 
business  at  a reasonable  rate. 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  PROVIDENCE  COMPANY  AND  THE  SHIP- 

MONEY  CASE 

In  the  story  of  the  Providence  Company  and  its  activi- 
ties there  is,  perhaps,  no  more  striking  fact  to  be  noted 
than  the  intimate  connection  of  its  fortunes  with  the 
general  history  of  the  time.  We  have  shown  in  an  earlier 
chapter  how  the  growing  agitation  against  the  illegal 
levying  of  ship-money  had  much  to  do  with  the  frustra- 
tion of  the  project  of  the  Puritan  leaders  for  emigration 
to  the  New  World,  and  our  investigation  now  leads  us  to 
consider  how,  in  1637,  Pym  and  his  fellows  became 
involved  in  an  organised  conspiracy  to  defeat  the  gov- 
ernment’s plans  to  finance  their  arbitrary  regime  by  the 
extension  of  a tax  that  had  never  received  the  sanction 
of  parliament.  The  student  of  Stuart  history  cannot 
fail  to  notice  at  every  turn  of  his  enquiries,  how  great 
an  influence  the  variations  in  England’s  foreign  policy 
had  upon  the  course  of  home  politics,  and  here  again  we 
find  the  king’s  insoluble  problem  of  how  to  secure  the 
restoration  of  the  Palatinate  to  Protestant  hands  play- 
ing a potent  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Puritan  leaders. 

Charles  I’s  plans  for  the  recovery  of  the  hereditary 
possessions  of  his  young  nephew,  the  Elector  Palatine, 
were  marked  by  an  irresolution  and  a trust  in  tortuous 
diplomatic  intrigues  that  made  his  name  a byword  in 
every  court  in  Europe.  A perpetual  conflict  of  opinion 
raged  in  his  councils  between  those  who  favoured  a close 
alliance  with  Spain  and  those  who,  led  by  the  queen  and 
her  confidant,  the  Earl  of  Holland,  urged  an  opposite 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


237 


course  and  a reliance  upon  French  support.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1636,  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  who  had  been  prominent 
among  the  pro-Spanish  party,  returned  to  England  from 
an  unsuccessful  mission  to  the  court  of  Vienna,  so  dis- 
couraged and  disillusioned  that  he  resolved  to  throw  his 
influence  into  the  opposite  scale  and  to  advise  the  king 
to  an  open  alliance  with  France  against  Spain.^  His 
assistance  was  particularly  welcome  to  the  Earl  of  Hol- 
land and  the  queen,  and  strong  pressure  was  brought  to 
bear  on  the  king  to  force  him  to  yield  to  the  entreaties  for 
overt  action  of  his  sister,  the  dispossessed  queen  of 
Bohemia,  and  her  devoted  adherent.  Sir  Thomas  Roe. 
For  months  Roe  had  been  suggesting  that  letters  of 
marque  for  voluntary  war  against  the  king  of  Spain  in 
the  Indies  should  be  granted  in  the  name  of  the  young 
Elector  Palatine,^  and  in  January,  1637,  the  foreign 
affairs  committee  of  the  Privy  Council  decided  that  some 
of  the  ships  raised  by  the  ship-money  should  be  lent  to 
the  elector.®  The  greatest  enthusiasm  for  the  new  plan 
was  expressed  at  court  and  many  noblemen  came  for- 
ward with  subscriptions  to  aid  the  enterprise.  While 
the  preliminary  arrangements  were  being  made,  over- 
tures were  received  from  Richelieu  for  a close  treaty  of 
alliance  between  England  and  France,  and  it  appeared 
as  though  the  king  would  at  last  be  able  to  strike  out  a 
clear  course  in  foreign  policy,  that  would  meet  with  the 
approval  of  the  nation  at  large.  On  the  7th  of  February, 
all  the  twelve  judges  to  whom  the  question  of  the  legality 
of  ship-money  had  been  referred  returned  an  answer  in 
the  affirmative  and  Charles  was  sanguine  enough  to  sup- 

1 Gardiner,  VIII,  202. 

2 C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1636-1637,  Oct.  19.  See  also  p.  504  and  S.  P.  Dom., 
cccl,  no.  77.  For  Eoe’s  propositions  in  1637  for  the  formation  of  an 
English  West  Indian  Company,  see  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  6 Aug.,  1637,  and  Col. 
Pap.,  IX,  61,  62,  63. 

3 Gardiner,  VIII,  204. 


238 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


pose  that  this  answer  would  soon  put  a stop  to  the  agi- 
tation in  the  country  about  the  obnoxious  tax,  and  that 
he  would  soon  be  in  possession  of  a revenue  ample 
enough  to  permit  him  to  undertake  hostilities  with  every 
hope  of  success. 

While  the  meetings  of  the  Providence  Company  in 
London  had  been  intermitted  owing  to  the  plague,  some 
most  important  overtures  from  the  West  India  Company 
of  Holland  had  been  made  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and 
his  partners.  The  period  of  the  greatest  activity  of  the 
Dutch  company  was  just  opening,  and  active  prepara- 
tions were  being  made  for  the  despatch  of  Count  Joan 
Maurice  of  Nassau  with  ample  resources  to  develop  the 
Dutch  empire  in  Brazil  as  supreme  civil  and  military 
commander.  In  order  to  divide  the  Spaniards’  attention 
a great  diversion  in  the  West  Indies  was  contemplated 
and  it  was  therefore  suggested  that  the  Providence  Com- 
pany should  transfer  their  rights  in  the  island  to  the 
West  India  Company  of  Holland,  who  would  undertake 
the  maintenance  of  the  colony  and  would  make  it  a base 
of  attack  upon  the  Panama  trade.  That  the  negotiations 
might  be  carried  on,  it  was  necessary  for  the  Providence 
Company  to  obtain  permission  from  the  crown  to  part 
with  the  island,  if  a decent  price  could  be  obtained.  The 
Earl  of  Holland  was  therefore  requested  to  approach 
the  king  and  to  report  to  the  company  the  result  of  his 
petition,  but  the  request  was  made  at  the  height  of  the 
new  enthusiasm  at  court  for  anti-Spanish  projects  and 
the  moment  was  evidently  inopportune  for  the  granting 
of  the  desired  permission  to  part  with  an  English  pos- 
session that  would  form  so  suitable  a base  for  offensive 
operations  against  the  Spaniards. 

On  February  9,  1637,  the  Earl  of  Holland  made  his 
only  appearance  at  the  general  court  of  the  Providence 
Company  to  convey  the  decision  of  the  king  concerning 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


239 


the  island  “for  the  parting  from  which  his  Majesty  was 
pleased  to  promise  leave  to  the  company  some  time 
since,  it  proving  hitherto  a place  of  charge  rather  than 
profit.”  “Forasmuch,”  said  he,  “as  the  Dutch  ambas- 
sador had  declared  to  his  Lordship  the  Hollander’s  un- 
certainty and  delays  in  resolution  and  their  unwillingness 
to  part  with  so  great  a sum  as  might  be  expected  by  the 
company,  he  had  moved  his  Majesty  to  retain  the  island 
still  in  the  hands  of  his  own  subjects,  and  the  rather 
because  of  some  designs  in  resolutions  to  be  attempted 
about  those  parts.  And  to  that  end  his  Majesty  would  be 
pleased  either  to  allow  the  company  a convenient  sum 
of  money  for  recompense  of  their  charges,  or  to  furnish 
them  with  means  to  secure  the  place  until  his  Majesty 
shall  think  fit  to  take  it  of  them.  ’ ’ The  negotiations  with 
the  Dutch  were  therefore  to  be  broken  off  and  the  com- 
pany were  directed  to  prepare  propositions  for  carrying 
on  the  work.  In  accordance  with  this  direction  the  gen- 
eral court  appointed  a standing  committee  for  the 
launching  of  a new  scheme,  and  the  last  reconstruction 
of  the  company  was  begun.  The  work  occupied  rather 
more  than  a year,  and  in  April,  1638,  a large  expedition 
was  sent  to  strengthen  Providence,  under  the  command 
of  the  celebrated  Capt.  Nathaniel  Butler  as  military  gov- 
ernor. The  negotiations  that  led  up  to  the  despatch  of 
this  expedition  had,  of  course,  a great  influence  on  the 
fortunes  of  the  colony  and  will  demand  our  attention 
from  that  point  of  view,  but  they  are  of  wider  interest  as 
a part  of  the  activity  of  the  Puritan  leaders  and  it  is 
from  this  standpoint  that  we  must  first  consider  them. 

When  the  king  refused  his  permission  for  the  sale  of 
Providence  and  recommended  a reconstruction  of  the 
company  in  February,  1637,  his  affairs  had  to  the  inex- 
perienced eye  never  seemed  in  a more  prosperous  con- 
dition; when  in  April,  1638,  the  reconstruction  was  com- 


240 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


plete  and  Butler’s  expedition  was  despatched,  this  hol- 
low show  of  prosperity  had  vanished  before  the  menace 
of  Scottish  rebellion,  and  even  the  least  capable  student 
of  affairs  could  see  that  a crisis  was  at  hand,  and  that 
the  struggle  between  crown  and  parliament,  that  had 
apparently  closed  in  1629,  still  remained  to  be  fought  to 
an  issue.  Through  these  months  of  preparation  the 
doings  of  the  Puritan  leaders  are  wrapped  in  obscurity, 
and  any  indirect  light  that  can  be  thrown  upon  them  is 
of  value  where  evidence  is  so  lacking.  Some  such  light 
it  is  possible  to  obtain  from  the  Providence  records,  and, 
though  its  gleams  are  scant  and  fitful,  yet  where  more 
definite  information  cannot,  of  necessity,  be  obtained,  it 
may  aid  us  somewhat  to  pierce  the  gloom.  Nothing  less 
was  in  process  of  formation  during  these  months  than 
the  first  organised  political  party  of  opposition  to  an 
English  government,  a task  whose  difficulty  can  hardly 
be  grasped  by  the  modern  Englishman,  to  whom  nothing 
is  more  natural  than  the  existence  of  “His  Majesty’s 
Opposition,”  bound  as  closely  to  constitutional  courses 
as  any  other  party  in  the  state.  As  in  nature  the  shock 
of  an  external  impulse  will  cause  the  saturated  fluid  to 
congeal  round  a tiny  nucleus  into  a solid  mass,  so  did 
that  congeries  of  discordant  units,  the  England  of  1637, 
form  itself  round  the  nucleus  of  the  Providence  Company 
into  the  opposition  of  1640,  stiffened  in  active  resistance 
to  absolutism  by  the  external  impulse  of  the  Scottish 
Wars. 

The  men  of  the  next  generation  realized  what  an  impor- 
tant part  the  meetings  of  the  Providence  adventurers 
played  in  the  organisation  of  the  opposition,  for  we  may 
learn  from  the  pages  of  Anthony  a Wood  that:  “At 
Saye’s  house  in  the  country  at  Broughton  [near  Ban- 
bury] the  malcontents  used  to  meet,  and  what  embryos 
were  conceived  in  the  country,  were  shaped  in  Gray ’s  Inn 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


241 


Lane,  near  London,  where  the  undertakers  for  the  Isle  of 
Providence  did  meet.”^  Hostility  to  the  second  writ  of 
ship-money  had  been  most  noticeable  in  those  counties 
where  the  Puritan  leaders  could  especially  exercise  their 
territorial  influence,  and  the  State  Papers  for  1636-1637 
bear  this  out  in  detail.  Fawsley,  Broughton,  Hatfleld 
Broad  Oak,  Great  Hampden,  and  Harrow-on-the-Hill 
are  names  that  are  constantly  recurring  in  the  sheritfs’ 
complaints  of  their  inability  to  collect  their  quotas,®  and 
the  conviction  is  borne  in  upon  us  that  a concerted  plan 
of  resistance  to  the  impost  had  been  agreed  upon.  Saye, 
as  the  Puritan  leader  who  had  been  most  often  engaged 
in  similar  contests  with  the  government,  determined,  if 
possible,  to  test  the  legality  of  the  hated  tax  in  the  courts 
of  law,  and  chose  one  of  his  Lincolnshire  estates  as  the 
case  for  conflict.  Some  of  his  goods  had  been  distrained 
upon  for  payment  of  his  portion  of  the  ship-money  and 
Saye  in  consequence  sued  the  constable  for  illegal  dis- 
traint;® in  reply  the  constable  pleaded  the  king’s  writ 
and  to  this  Saye  demurred  as  an  insufiicient  authority. 
The  government  declined  to  take  up  the  battle  on  such 
grounds  and  Saye  was  proceeded  against  in  the  Star 
Chamber  for  depopulation  of  his  estates,  an  entire 
shirking  of  the  issue.  Nor  could  Warwick,  even  though 
he  openly  protested  to  the  king,  secure  that  his  case 
should  be  brought  before  the  courts,  while  he  found  it 
difficult  to  secure  the  signatures  of  any  but  his  own 

* Wood,  Athenw  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bliss,  III,  547. 

5 A few  instances  only  will  sufiBce:  C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1636-1637,  20  March, 
28  March,  10  October,  difficulty  of  collection  from  Knightley’s  tenants  at 
Fawsley;  12  Sept.,  distress  to  be  levied  on  Saye’s  Gloucestershire  tenants; 
many  other  entries  re  Saye;  4 Oct.,  Sir  Gilbert  Gerrard  refuses  to  pay 
ship-money  at  Harrow;  p.  214,  very  refractory  in  payment  among  Barring- 
ton’s tenants  at  Hatfield  Broad  Oak;  17  Nov.,  17  Dec.,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
refuses  to  pay. 

6C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1636-1637,  pp.  155,  252. 


242 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


immediate  party  to  the  public  protest  against  the  ship- 
money  with  which  he  meant  to  approach  the  king. 
Charles’s  presentation  of  the  question  of  legality  to  the 
judges  was  intended  to  put  an  end  to  all  hopes  of  a 
direct  trial  of  the  issue,  and  the  public  reading  of  the 
judges’  answer  on  February  14,  1637,  finally  clinched 
the  matter  as  far  as  the  majority  of  people  were  con- 
cerned.^ But  although  Lord  Keeper  Coventry  had  hinted 
his  belief  that  any  lawyer  would  be  very  foolish  to  take 
up  so  desperate  a case  as  the  contest  of  the  legality  of 
ship-money  in  face  of  the  unanimous  decision  of  the 
judges,  the  Puritan  leaders  were  not  of  the  same  mind. 

On  the  24th,  26th,  and  27th  of  February,  1637,  we  find 
from  our  records  that  meetings  of  the  Providence  Com- 
pany were  held  at  Preston  Capes  in  Northamptonshire, 
only  half  a mile  away  from  Knightley’s  seat  at  Fawsley 
and  where  he  may  have  possessed  a second  residence. 
The  adventurers  attending  these  meetings  were  Saye, 
Brooke,  Mandeville,®  Knightley,  and  Pym,  together  with 
the  company’s  husband.  Woodcock,  whom  we  may 
neglect.  The  presence  of  John  Hampden  at  Preston 
may  also  be  confidently  assumed,  for  his  seat  at  Great 
Hampden  in  Buckinghamshire  was  only  a few  hours’ 
ride  away.  Among  Knightley’s  guests  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  Providence  Company’s  affairs  would  demand 
very  little  share  of  the  conversation,  but  the  one  absorb- 
ing topic  would  be  the  recent  answer  of  the  judges  and 

7 Gardiner,  VIII,  209. 

* Edward  Montagu,  Viscount  Mandeville,  had  begun  to  take  a prominent 
part  in  the  company’s  work  after  the  death  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Eich  on  29 
May,  1636.  From  a letter  of  Matthew  Cradock  to  John  Winthrop,  15 
March,  1637,  we  learn  that  Sir  Nathaniel’s  life  was  shortened  by  the 
immoderate  use  of  a new  quack  medicine,  the  “Antimoniall  Cuppe”  (Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VI,  125).  Mandeville  was  Eich’s  executor  and 
succeeded  to  the  whole  of  his  holding  in  the  company,  and  to  his  papers. 
This  accounts  for  the  presence  of  Eich’s  papers  in  the  Manchester  collection. 
Eich’s  will  is  extant  at  Somerset  House. 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


243 


the  best  means  of  compelling  the  government  to  take  up 
a definite  challenge  in  the  law  courts.  Pym  could  speak 
for  the  wealthiest  and  most  respected  Puritan  in  Eng- 
land, the  Earl  of  Bedford,  as  entirely  sympathetic  to  the 
object  in  view,  and  the  services  of  the  two  lawyers, 
Holborne  and  St.  John,  to  whom  the  management  of  the 
whole  of  the  vast  Russell  law  business  was  entrusted, 
might  be  depended  upon  for  the  proper  presentation  of 
the  case.  On  the  9th  of  March,®  the  plans  of  the  con- 
spirators were  put  into  action,  a writ  of  certiorari  was 
directed  from  the  Chancery  in  respect  of  Hampden’s 
refusal  to  pay  the  twenty  shillings  of  ship-money 
assessed  on  his  lands  in  the  parish  of  Stoke  Mandeville, 
and  before  the  year  1637  was  out  the  names  of  John 
Hampden  and  Oliver  St.  John  were  the  most  famous  in 
England. 

Throughout  the  early  summer  of  1637  the  business  of 
the  Providence  Company  was  transacted  at  Brooke 
House  in  Holborn  by  a committee  consisting  of  Saye 
and  Pym,  with  Brooke,  Warwick,  Rudyerd,  and  Darley 
as  occasional  attendants.  On  July  24,  however,  we  again 
find  Saye,  Brooke,  Pym,  and  Mandeville  meeting  at 
Fawsley.  Between  July  and  November  no  meetings 
were  held  owing  to  the  immersion  of  Pym  in  the  prepa- 
rations for  the  coming  case.  Pym  and  St.  John  were 
Hampden’s  close  counsellors  in  the  interval  before  the 
public  trial,  and  six  months^®  were  passed  in  preparation 
on  both  sides.  While  the  public  arguments  on  the  case 
were  proceeding  in  the  Exchequer  Chamber,^  there  was 
a full  assembling  of  the  Puritan  leaders  in  London.  On 
November  27,  Saye,  Brooke,  Pym,  Waller,  Barrington 
(now  a very  rare  attendant),  Darley,  and  Woodcock  met 

9 Nugent’s  Mems.  of  Eampden  (5th  ed.,  pub.  Bell),  p.  108. 

10 Forster’s  Life  of  Pym,  p.  76. 

11  6 November  to  18  December,  1637. 


244 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


at  Brooke  House;  on  December  9,  Saye,  Brooke,  Pym, 
Warwick,  Mandeville,  Darley,  and  Woodcock  and  tAvo 
days  later  Saye,  Brooke,  Pym,  Darley,  Waller,  Barring- 
ton, and  Woodcock  met  at  Brooke  House.  The  regula- 
tions enforcing  upon  country  gentlemen  residence  upon 
their  estates  were  particularly  strictly  enforced  at  Christ- 
mas, 1637,  and  orders  were  issued  that  all  must  leave 
London  before  December  12.  It  is  noAv  for  the  first  time 
that  we  find  Pym  taking  charge  of  the  business  of  the 
Puritan  party  during  the  absence  of  its  members  from 
London  and  a special  petition  was  addressed  from  the 
Providence  Company  to  the  king  asking  permission  for 
him  to  remain  along  with  Darley  to  look  after  the  busi- 
ness, and  in  the  return  of  the  Middlesex  justices^^  to  the 
government,  \\^e  find  his  name  recorded  as  residing  during 
the  early  part  of  January  in  St.  Andrew’s  parish,  Hol- 
born.  Against  some  of  the  names  given,  mention  is  made 
that  permission  to  stay  had  been  accorded,  but  there  is 
no  record  of  the  sort  against  Pym’s  name  and  it  is 
possible,  therefore,  that  he  stayed  without  any  proper 
AAmrrant  and  in  despite  of  the  royal  order. 

From  the  end  of  January,  1638,  onwards,  full  meetings 
of  the  company  were  resumed  at  Brooke  House,  and 
Saye,  Brooke,  Warwick,  Pym,  and  Mandeville  were 
regular  attendants.  At  this  period  the  outlook  of  affairs 
was  so  black  for  the  Puritan  party,  and  there  seemed  so 
little  chance  of  making  headway  against  the  tide  of 
absolutism  and  Arminian  innovation,  that  once  more  the 
idea  of  emigration  presented  itself  to  the  leaders  and 
preparations  began  to  be  made  for  them  to  proceed  to 
Providence  and  the  Main.  On  January  31,  1638,  Lord 
Saye  announced  to  the  company  his  intention  of  emi- 

12  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  eeclxxviii,  No.  94,  16  Jan.,  1638.  Return  by  John 
Heme  and  Geo.  Long,  justices  of  the  peace  for  Middlesex,  of  such  persons 
of  honour  as  have  continued  in  London  since  12  December  last. 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


245 


grating  to  the  island  as  soon  as  he  could  clear  up  his 
affairs  in  England,  and  on  February  15  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  Lord  Brooke,  and  Henry  Barley  signified  that 
they  had  the  same  intention,  thus  reviving  the  idea  that 
they  had  been  compelled  by  governmental  pressure  to 
abandon  in  1633,  when  their  intended  goal  was  New 
England.  The  feelings  of  profound  discouragement  that 
filled  the  hearts  of  the  Puritan  leaders  were  even  deeper 
in  1638  than  in  1635,  and  Gardiner  has  described  for  us^® 
how  these  feelings  had  spread  even  to  those  least  in 
sympathy  with  Calvinism,  and  has  shown  how  the  gentle 
Milton  of  “L ’Allegro”  was  waked  “to  the  scornful 
indignation  of  the  time  that  sounds  forth  with  so  stern 
a note  from  among  the  graceful  lamentations  of 
Lycidas.”  Almost  as  striking  a note  is  heard  in  a brief 
letter  that  John  Pym  addressed  to  his  old  friend,  John 
Wandesford,  then  consul  of  the  English  Levant  Com- 
pany at  Aleppo.  This  letter  has  found  its  way  into  the 
State  Papers,  and  this  fact  may  indicate  that  the  govern- 
ment, even  in  1638,  were  beginning  to  suspect  Pym  of 
being  the  business  man  of  the  Puritan  party  and  were 
intercepting  some  of  his  correspondence  in  the  hope  of 
finding  evidence  of  treasonable  communications  vfith  the 
malcontent  Scots.  The  letter,  though  brief,  is  of  interest 
as  being  one  of  the  very  few  personal  communications 
from  Pym  that  have  come  down  to  us.  He  says ; “I  have 
passed  through  much  variety  of  occasions  since  I last 
writ  to  you,  and  they  furnish  me  matter  of  excuse  of 
several  kinds,  which  vdll  not  yield  any  the  least  charge 
or  touch  of  disrespect  or  forgetfulness  to  be  laid  upon 
me.  Now,  being  again  to  go  into  the  country,  where  I 
have  been  for  the  most  part  of  those  two  years  last  past, 
and  it  being  a time  which  threatens  great  change  and 
trouble,  I have  thought  good  now  to  salute  you  with  this 

13  Gardiner,  VIII,  244  sqq. 


246 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


short  letter  and  to  assure  you  that  you  have  always  had 
a place  in  my  thoughts  and  affections  of  much  estimation 
and  respect,  and  that  I think  myself  indebted  to  you  for 
many  kindnesses  and  expressions  of  love,  which  I cannot 
deserve.  How  God  will  dispose  of  me  I know  not!  If 
the  public  peace  continue,  I hope  to  write  again  in 
Michaelmas  Term;  if  distemper  and  confusion  do  over- 
whelm us,  in  whatever  condition  I am,  I shall  live  in  a 
resolution,  both  by  my  prayers  and  endeavours,  always 
to  express  myself  your  very  assured  friend  and  servant 
Jo : Pym.”^* 

In  March,  1638,  the  adventurers  were  determined  to 
depart  and  a formal  petition  was  presented  to  the  king 
through  the  Earl  of  Holland,  praying  for  permission  for 
the  principal  members  of  the  Providence  Company  to 
leave  England  for  Providence  in  order  to  settle  there  the 
affairs  of  the  island.  In  the  distractions  of  the  conflict 
in  Scotland  that  was  rapidly  moving  towards  war, 
the  West  Indian  designs  of  1637  had  been  entirely  for- 
gotten and  it  was  hardly  likely  that  the  government 
would  consent  to  lose  sight  of  notorious  malcontents, 
such  as  Saye  and  Brooke,  who  were  suspected  with  very 
good  reason  of  being  in  intimate  relations  with  the  Scot- 
tish rebels.^®  A single  entry  in  the  Providence  records 
under  date  February  20,  1638,  tends  to  confirm  this. 
Lord  Brooke  desired  the  company  to  acquaint  Lord 
Forbes  “that  they  had  thought  of  his  brother  as  a 
gentleman  well  qualified  for  the  government  of  Provi- 
dence,” and  Lord  Forbes  was  to  invite  his  brother  to 
accept  a proposition  of  the  company.  Nothing  came  of 
the  plan,  but  the  entry  is  of  interest  to  us  when  we 
remember  that  Lord  Forbes  was  one  of  the  most  cele- 
brated Scottish  soldiers  of  the  time,  was  deep  in  the 

C.  S.  P.  Bom.,  20  July,  1638,  John  Pym  to  John  Wandesford. 

15  Gardiner,  VIII,  335. 


THE  SHIP-MONEY  CASE 


247 


counsels  of  the  Scots  leaders  and  a year  later  was  one 
of  those  who,  out  of  his  military  experience  in  Germany, 
recommended  Alexander  Leslie  for  the  command  of  the 
Covenanting  forces.  No  answer  was  returned  by  the 
king  to  Saye’s  petition  and  the  only  trace  of  it  that  has 
remained  outside  our  records  is,  as  we  showed  in  a 
previous  chapter,  the  tradition  preserved  by  Bate  and 
Dugdale  that  the  Puritan  leaders  were  contemplating 
emigration  to  America  in  1638. 


CHAPTER  XI 


FINAL  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY 

We  have  now  to  retrace  our  steps  a little  and  take  up 
again  the  thread  of  our  story  where  we  dropped  it  with 
the  king’s  suggestion  for  a reconstruction  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company  in  February,  1637.  The  standing  com- 
mittee appointed  to  draft  a scheme  laboured  diligently 
under  the  presidency  of  Pym,  and  by  June  their  plans 
were  ready  and  were  submitted  to  the  company  at  large 
and  to  many  outside  members  of  the  Puritan  party,  who 
were  thought  likely  to  join.  As  their  scheme  is  recorded 
in  the  company’s  minutes,  it  bears  a striking  resemblance 
to  a modern  company  prospectus  and  it  is  worth  while 
to  examine  it  for  a moment.  For  the  good  of  the  king- 
dom it  is  fitting  that  the  design  of  Providence  should  be 
pursued  because  of:  “1.  The  strength  and  opportunity 
of  that  island  to  become  the  foundation  of  very  great 
enterprise  by  annojdng  the  Spaniard  and  intercepting 
his  treasure,  whereby  he  hath  troubled  and  endangered 
most  of  the  States  of  Christendom  and  doth  foment  the 
wars  against  the  professors  of  the  reformed  religion. 
2.  The  facility  of  transporting  colonies  from  thence  to 
the  Main  Continent  being,  as  [the  company]  hath  [been] 
informed  by  divers  that  have  viewed  it,  as  rich  and  fer- 
tile as  any  other  part  of  the  Indies,  where  there  do 
already  grow  commodities  of  very  good  use,  which  may 
by  the  industry  of  many  hands  be  brought  home  in  great 
quantities ; and  the  soil  capable  of  the  richest  drugs  and 
merchandize,  which  come  from  America.  ’ ’ The  king  has 
promised  the  company  freedom  from  all  customs  both 


EECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  249 


for  outlading  and  inlading  for  twenty-one  years,  freedom 
from  the  new  impositions  on  ordnance  and  ammunition, 
to  be  accountable  to  no  admiralty  but  their  own,  and  to 
be  free  from  all  the  proclamations  set  forth  against 
going  into  America. 

The  committee  therefore  propose  that  a stock  of 
£100,000  shall  be  raised  by  instalments  of  £20,000  a year 
for  five  years.  One  thousand  pounds  shall  be  a whole 
share  with  four  votes  and  £250  to  have  one  vote ; no  man 
shall  be  obliged  to  pay  in  to  the  first  supply  before 
twenty  whole  shares  have  been  subscribed,  nor  into  the 
final  supply  till  fifty  whole  shares.  Three  principal 
members  of  the  company  shall  go  out  to  govern  the 
colony  as^  soon  as  the  company  is  provided  to  set  them 
forth,  but  until  then  a soldier  and  a gentleman  shall  be 
set  forth  as  governor  with  one  hundred  well-armed  fight- 
ing men  and  supplies  to  prepare  the  way.  Further  light 
is  thrown  on  the  designs  of  the  company  by  an  extant 
letter  from  Sir  Edmond  Moundeford  to  Sir  Simonds 
D’E  wes,  the  antiquary,  inviting  him  to  subscribe  to  the 
new  stock 

Sir 

I have  received  your  command  to  inform  you  concerning  the 
Isle  of  Providence.  Lately  we  finding  our  strength  too  weak 
longer  to  support  so  great  a burden,  the  Company  were  resolved 
to  sell  it  to  the  States  of  Holland,  they  then  offering  us  for  it 
£70,000;  we,  hy  the  Earl  of  Holland,  our  Governor,  petitioned 
his  Maty  for  leave  to  sell;  our  answer  was  very  gracious  that 
he  hoped  it  might  be  useful  to  him  in  his  present  designs,  there- 
fore would  not  as  yet  have  it  sold,  but  desired  we  would  go  on 
with  the  work  and  we  should  have  such  helps  from  him  as  in 
compass  of  reason  should  be  desired,  which  accordingly  were 

1 This  provision  is  of  interest  as  showing  that  even  thus  early  it  was 
recognized  that  Massachusetts  had  succeeded  better  than  other  colonies 
because  it  was  governed  by  members  of  the  company  on  the  spot. 

2 Brit.  Mus.,  Harl.  MSS.,  287,  fo.  265. 


250 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


upon  our  petition  granted  with  promise  of  further  addition  of 
his  favour.  I shall  relate  some  of  those  things  we  obtained  as 
my  memory  will  help. 

(Here  Moun deford  recites  most  of  the  privileges  above 
enumerated  and  adds)  : Freedom  from  the  proclamations  set 

forth  against  going  into  the  American  plantations.  So  that  we 
may  send  or  carry  whom  we  will,  without  disturbance  or  further 
trouble.  ...  It  was  resolved  before  I came  out  of  town  that 
three  of  our  company  should  go  in  person  . . . and  five  hundred 
men  to  be  sent  with  them.  Some  of  the  Lords  and  others  of 
great  quality  are  resolved  to  go. 

It  is  thought  a great  part  of  the  stream  will  be  carried  from 
the  late  intended  course  and  fall  upon  this  plantation  instead 
of  New  England,  we  having  there  many  good  people  and  very 
considerable  teachers.  The  place  is  highly  commended  for 
health  and  plenty.  I will  not  now  trouble  you  further;  so  soon 
as  I hear  from  London  I will  send  to  you,  being  desirous  to  see 
you  added  to  the  honourable  Company,  of  whom,  you  know, 
many  will  be  glad  of  your  society,  and  so  shall  I who  crave  to 
have  my  service  presented  to  your  noble  lady 

and  to  be  ever  your  affectionate  friend 

To  his  much  honoured  and  ally 

friend  and  kinsman  Ed.  Moundeford 

Sir  Simonds  D’Ewes,  Knight,  these  at  his  Stowhall,  Suffk. 

The  idea  expressed  in  the  last  paragraph  of  this  letter, 
of  diverting  the  stream  of  Puritan  emigration  from  New 
England,  marks  how  far  the  Puritan  parties  in  England 
and  America  had  become  estranged  one  from  another 
in  seven  years,  and  the  company’s  efforts  to  carry  it  out 
will  demand  our  full  consideration  in  a subsequent 
chapter.  Owing  to  the  troubles  in  which  England  became 
immersed  in  the  latter  part  of  1637,  no  new  adventurers 
could  be  persuaded  to  take  up  shares  in  the  new  stock, 
and  finally  £6000  had  to  be  subscribed  by  Warwick,  Saye, 
Brooke,  Mandeville,  and  Pym  in  order  to  keep  the  enter- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  251 


prise  running.®  It  was  impossible  to  secure  from  the 
king  any  ratification  of  the  privileges  he  had  promised, 
as  he  had  rapidly  lost  all  interest  in  the  western  design 
and  had  begun  once  more  to  desire  a rapprochement  with 
Spain. 

The  new  expedition,  however,  was  got  ready  by  April, 
1638,  and  placed  under  the  command  of  an  old  protege  of 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Capt.  Nathaniel  Butler,  whose 
name  was  particularly  well  known  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere.^  Butler,  who  came  of  a good  Bedfordshire 
family,  had  led  a very  adventurous  life  and  had  prob- 
ably had  his  first  American  experience  in  one  of  the 
early  Guiana  voyages.  In  1619  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Earl  of  Warwick’s  influence  to  the  governorship  of 
Bermuda,  which  he  held  till  1622.  His  governorship  was 
marked  by  the  difficulties  concerning  the  ship  Treasurer, 
that  we  have  dealt  with  in  an  earlier  chapter,  and  by 
some  very  questionable  proceedings  concerning  a Span- 
ish wreck.  The  Spanish  government  took  up  the  matter 
so  vigorously  that  Butler  had  to  be  superseded,  and  he 
proceeded  to  Virginia  in  the  autumn  of  1622.  There  he 
led  an  expedition  against  the  up-river  Indians  and, 
returning  to  England,  published  in  April,  1623,  the 

3 Warwick,  Saye,  Mandeville,  Pym,  £1000  each,  Brooke  £2000  in  two 
instalments. 

4 For  an  outline  of  Butler ’s  life,  see  Brown,  Genesis,  II,  836.  He  makes 
the  usual  confusion  between  Sta.  Catalina  and  the  Bahamas  and  says  that 
Butler  ‘ ‘ was  probably  the  person  who  was  committed  to  Newgate  for 
dispersing  treasonable  and  scandalous  books  in  June,  1649.”  This  guess 
is  demonstrably  wrong;  the  prisoner  was  the  well-known  Nathaniel  Butter, 
the  publisher  of  so  many  of  the  tracts  in  the  Thomason  Collection,  who 
often  got  into  trouble  with  the  authorities  for  his  publications.  Butler 
was  the  author  of  a work  upon  seamanship,  which  was  fairly  well  known 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  original  draft  of  the  work  is  in  the  British 
Museum  (Sloane  MSS.,  758).  The  work  must  have  been  written  in  part 
while  Butler  was  governor  of  Providence,  for  many  pages  of  the  MSS.  are 
filled  with  notes  concerning  the  island ’s  affairs  and  the  volume  also 
contains  a very  full  diary  of  events  in  Providence. 


252 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


venomous  attack  upon  the  administration  of  the  colony 
called  The  Unmasking  of  Virginia.  After  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Virginia  Company  he  was  placed  upon  the 
council  for  the  government  of  the  colony,  but  did  not 
serve  for  long.  In  the  Cadiz  expedition  of  1625  he  com- 
manded the  hired  merchant  vessel,  the  Jonathan,  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  tons®  and  he  served  also  in  the 
expedition  to  Isle  de  Rhe.  In  1637  he  was  appointed  to 
the  command  of  H.  M.  frigate  Nicodemus,  and  must  have 
relinquished  this  command  to  take  up  the  governorship 
of  Providence.  To  the  colonists  the  company  recom- 
mended Butler  as  “a  man  of  very  good  parts  and 
experience,  being  an  ancient  soldier  at  sea  and  land  and 
heretofore  employed  in  good  places  of  trust  and  com- 
mand, and  a man  of  very  good  esteem  here,  the  defence 
of  the  island  requiring  at  this  time  a man  of  ability  in 
regard  of  the  danger  from  the  Spaniards.” 

Gov.  Hunt  had  been  sent  out  to  supersede  Capt.  Philip 
Bell  in  1636,  as  having  had  some  acquaintance  with  the 
military  art,  but  his  governorship  had  been  noticeable 
only  for  a bitter  recrudescence  of  the  quarrels  that  Bell 
had  vainly  attempted  to  assuage.  The  first  governor 
had  always  endeavoured  to  hold  an  even  balance  between 
the  Puritan  zealots  who,  under  the  leadership  of  Rish- 
worth  and  Rous,  sided  with  Sherrard,  the  minister,  and 
the  party  who  desired  a relaxation  of  the  rigid  Puritan 
regulations  that  had  been  imposed  by  the  company. 
The  zealots  desired  to  confine  the  attention  of  the  colo- 
nists to  planting  and  wished  to  expel  from  the  island 
everyone  who  did  not  satisfy  the  exacting  demands  of 
the  minister  for  orthodoxy,  even  though  the  defence  of 
the  island  were  thereby  weakened ; their  opponents  under 
the  guidance  of  Daniel  Elfrith  and  Andrew  Carter  cared 

5 S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I,  VII,  47.  See  also  Nicholas ’s  lists,  cclxx,  65,  cclxxxiv, 
84. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  253 


nothing  for  religious  matters  and  very  little  for  planting, 
but  they  wished  to  rob  the  Spaniard  with  as  much  ease 
and  security  as  possible,  and  to  have  a ready  market  for 
their  booty  with  the  Dutch  and  French  ships  that  came 
to  the  island.  Gov.  Hunt,  as  a rigid  Puritan,  boldly  sided 
with  the  zealots,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from 
an  illness  that  attacked  him  on  his  arrival  in  Providence, 
lent  his  aid  to  an  attack  on  Bell  for  acts  done  as  governor. 
As  we  have  seen,  Bell  had  to  suffer  many  annoyances, 
but  he  soon  left  for  England,  and  the  zealots  then  turned 
their  attack  upon  Elfrith.  Even  under  Bell’s  governor- 
ship a petition  had  been  presented  by  certain  members 
of  the  council  for  his  dismissal  from  all  his  offices  and 
for  his  punishment  “as  a carnal  and  ungodly  man”; 
the  zealots  were,  however,  in  a minority  and  the  governor 
refused  to  receive  the  petition.  The  change  of  governors 
gave  the  Puritans  a majority,  and  within  a few  weeks 
Elfrith  was  deprived  of  his  offices  of  councillor  and 
admiral  amid  the  rejoicings  of  Sherrard  and  his  adhe- 
rents, though  they  must  have  been  very  much  damped 
when  they  received  a letter  from  the  company  denounc- 
ing the  whole  of  their  proceedings  and  stigmatising  them 
as  “a  mere  nullity.” 

The  other  Christian  virtues  seem  to  have  found  little 
place  in  the  hearts  of  the  zealots  beside  their  fervour 
for  orthodoxy,  for  the  company  were  compelled  to  point 
out  to  them  that  when  Gov.  Bell  helped  starving  new- 
comers out  of  the  company’s  stores  in  defiance  of  the 
wish  of  Rishworth’s  party  in  the  council,  he  was  only 
exercising  the  virtue  of  Christian  charity  and  was  to 
be  commended  rather  than  blamed.  In  other  colonies 
the  ministers  were  supported  by  the  voluntary  offerings 
of  the  planters,  but  in  Providence  the  company  was 
expected  to  bear  the  whole  charge ; nor  were  the  planters 
forward  in  contributing  to  the  upkeep  of  the  church. 


254 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


for  the  company  heard  with  regret  that  more  trouble 
was  lavished  upon  private  dwellings  than  upon  God’s 
House;  they  therefore  exhorted  the  planters  to  repair 
the  church  and  keep  it  in  a decent  manner,  this  “being 
commended  to  Christians  by  the  practice  of  the  very 
Pagans  themselves.”  The  absence  of  many  of  the  most 
unruly  spirits  from  the  island  on  the  privateering  voy- 
ages that  were  undertaken  from  1636  onwards,  left  the 
Puritan  party  in  the  ascendant  throughout  the  whole  of 
Hunt’s  governorship,  but  the  arrival  of  Capt.  Butler 
as  governor,  the  capture  of  Rous  in  the  Blessing,  and 
the  return  of  Samuel  Rishworth  to  England,  weighed 
down  the  balance  on  the  other  side,  and  it  may  be  well 
here  for  us  somewhat  to  anticipate  events  and  complete 
the  story  of  the  colony’s  religious  troubles.  Our  infor- 
mation concerning  the  end  of  the  long  conflict  is  derived 
not  only  from  the  colony’s  records,  but  also  from  the 
narrative  communicated  by  one  of  the  ministers  of  the 
island,  Nicholas  Leverton,  to  Dr.  Edward  Calamy  and 
reproduced  by  him  in  his  Nonconformist’ s Memorial.^ 
Nicholas  Leverton,  B.  A.,  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford, 
was  born  at  St.  Wall,  Cornwall,  about  1600.  After  leav- 
ing Oxford,  he  kept  a little  school  at  Padstow,  “but 
being  ordained  he  went  to  Barbadoes,  and  there  met  with 
good  acceptance.  Though  he  had  yet  little  seriousness, 
he  soon  grew  weary  of  the  profligate  morals  of  the  people 
and  went  as  chaplain  to  a ship’s  crew  who  designed  to 
begin  a plantation  upon  Tobago.^  By  this  means  he  met 
with  a variety  of  remarkable  providences,  which  God 
blessed  to  awaken  him  to  a serious  sense  of  religion.” 

6 Calamy,  Nonconformist’s  Memorial,  I,  371. 

7 Tobago  had  been  colonised  by  a party  of  Zeelanders  from  Walcheren 
under  the  auspices  of  Jan  de  Moor,  burgomaster  of  Flushing.  This  colony 
was  destroyed  with  great  cruelty  by  Spaniards  and  Caribs  from  Trinidad 
in  1637  and  Leverton ’s  visit  to  Tobago  was  soon  after  this.  See  Edmundson, 
Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XVI,  643. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  255 


The  attempt  at  the  colonisation  of  Tobago  ended  in 
complete  failure,  more  than  half  of  the  company  of 
between  thirty  and  forty  men  being  killed  by  the  Caribs. 
The  survivors  managed  to  recover  their  boat  with  diffi- 
culty and  put  out  to  sea.  “Not  being  able  to  return  to 
Barbadoes  or  any  of  our  English  plantations  on  that 
side,  because  of  contrary  winds,  they  resolved  to  make 
to  the  Isle  of  Providence,  which  was  five  hundred  leagues 
off  near  the  line.  Notwithstanding  many  fears  and  diffi- 
culties they  had  a prosperous  voyage  and  a welcome 
reception  from  their  countrymen  there. 

“Most  of  the  inhabitants  were  such  as  had  left  their 
native  country  upon  a dissatisfaction  with  the  English 
hierarchy  and  settled  there  as  others  did  in  New  Eng- 
land. They  had  but  one  minister  among  them,  viz.,  Mr. 
Sherwood,®  who  was  also  dissatisfied  with  conformity. 
Yet  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  for  the  English  cere- 
monies and  upon  Mr.  Leverton’s  arrival  would  have  had 
him  minister  to  them  in  their  own  way.”  It  is  evident 
that  the  laxer  party  in  the  island  were  here  endeavouring 
to  set  up  a rival  minister  to  Sherrard  in  order  to  cloak 
their  proceedings  under  guise  of  attachment  to  Arminian 
doctrines.  “Hitherto  [Mr.  Leverton]  had  never  con- 
sidered the  controversy,  but  his  impressions  of  religion 
were  such  as  the  general  custom  of  his  country  and 
education  had  made.  But  now,  being  made  very  serious 
by  the  remarkable  providences  he  had  met  with  and 
finding  Mr.  S.  a pious  person,  he  was  disposed  to  hear 
his  reasons  for  Nonconformity,  which  induced  him 
heartily  to  fall  in  with  him  in  the  same  way.”  Gov. 
Butler  reached  Providence  in  October,  1638,  and  at  once 
took  sides  against  the  extremists  of  the  Puritan  party 
and  the  ministers,  and  wrote  home  to  the  company  to 
their  detriment.  The  company  were  not  prepared  to 

8 That  is,  Sherrard. 


256 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


listen  to  these  stories  and  exhorted  Butler  to  give  Sher- 
rard  and  his  particular  congregation  every  liberty  and 
favour.  “Grod  makes  no  difference,”  they  told  him  by 
the  hand  of  Pym,  ‘‘between  them  that  do  faithfully  and 
heartily  seek  him,  though  there  be  in  the  appearance  of 
men  some  difference  between  them  in  opinion  and  prac- 
tice concerning  outward  things.”  He  was  exhorted  to 
take  away  all  occasion  of  faction  among  the  colonists 
and  of  any  breach  with  the  churches  of  New  England, 
who,  on  their  side,  they  hoped  would  carry  themselves 
modestly  and  be  content  with  their  own  freedom,  leaving 
others  to  theirs.  The  communication  between  Provi- 
dence and  New  England  had  been  constant  ever  since 
1637  and  the  Puritan  party  were  now  applying  for  active 
help  from  the  churches  in  Massachusetts.  Of  their 
intention  to  support  him  against  his  enemies,  the  com- 
pany assured  Hunt,  the  leader  of  the  Puritans,  by  the 
same  ship:  “Our  main  desire,”  they  wrote,  “is  that 

Godliness  may  be  furthered  and  vice  beaten  down, 
and  though  all  honest  men  shall  not  agree  in  their 
opinions  and  practice  concerning  outward  things,  yet 
we  hope  they  will  agree  with  those  which  are  apparent 
for  God’s  glory  and  the  furtherance  of  the  public  good, 
which  is  a disposition  which,  we  hope,  is  in  yourself.” 
To  the  governor  and  council  in  their  public  letter  they 
wrote:  “We  heartily  pray  God  to  bless  and  direct  you 
in  your  plans  that  you  may  be  Instruments  of  His  glory, 
and  for  the  furtherance  of  that  great  work  of  subverting 
the  Spanish  Tyranny  in  those  parts  and  planting  the 
Gospel,  which  is  the  main  thing  that  drew  us  to  bestow 
our  care  and  money  upon  this  Design.” 

Butler’s  ideas  for  the  subversion  of  the  Spanish 
tyranny  did  not  involve  attention  to  the  duties  of  his 
governorship,  but  ran  rather  in  the  direction  of  piratical 
attacks  upon  Spanish  ports.  Within  six  months  after 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  257 


reaching  Providence  he  got  together  a mixed  fleet  of 
Dutch  and  English  ships  and  set  forth  on  a regular 
piratical  cruise  against  the  Spanish  coasts.  Butler  sup- 
plies us  in  his  diary  with  full  details  concerning  the 
expedition,  but  these  need  not  detain  us.  It  wound  up 
with  the  surprise  of  Truxillo,  the  chief  port  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Honduras,  which  had  successfully  repelled  the 
attack  of  Sir  Antony  Sherley  and  Capt.  Parker  in  1597.® 
The  town  was  much  decayed  and  was  unable  to  offer 
resistance  to  the  corsairs’  attack.  The  citizens  com- 
pounded for  the  town’s  freedom  from  sack  for  a ransom 
of  16,000  pieces  of  eight,  paid  partly  in  bullion  and 
partly  in  indigo,  the  chief  product  of  the  province. 
After  so  satisfactory  an  adventure,  Butler  felt  no  inclina- 
tion to  carry  out  his  bargain  with  the  Providence  Com- 
pany, but  determined  to  leave  for  England  without 
delay.  Returning  to  Providence  in  September,  1639, 
he,  without  consulting  the  rest  of  the  council,  appointed 
Capt.  Andrew  Carter,  the  leader  of  the  anti-Puritans, 
to  act  as  deputy-governor,  and  took  his  departure  for 
England  in  great  haste  in  February,  1640.  Carter  lost 
no  time  in  taking  his  revenge  upon  the  Puritans  for 
their  proscription  of  Elfrith  and  other  of  his  friends, 
and  Leverton’s  story  goes  on  to  tell  us  that  “at  length 
the  governor  leaving  the  island,  a difference  arose  in 
the  colony.  He  named  his  successor,  but  the  people 
pleaded  a right  by  charter  to  choose  their  governor  and 
fixed  upon  a person  of  their  own  nomination,  one 
Captain  Lane.^“  But  the  other  [i.e.  Carter]  privately 
arming  some  of  the  under  sort,  seized  Lane  and  both 
the  ministers  and  sent  them  prisoners^^  to  England,  with 

9 Hakluyt,  VII,  220. 

10  This  was  the  Eichard  Lane,  a protege  of  Lord  Brooke,  who  had  been 
employed  in  the  company’s  trade  at  Darien. 

11  Lane,  Leverton,  Sherrard,  and  Henry  Halhead,  were  sent  prisoners 
in  the  Hopewell  and  arrived  in  England  in  January,  1641. 


258 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


an  information  against  them  to  Archbishop  Laud,  that 
they  were  disaffected  to  the  liturgy  and  ceremonies  of 
England.  When  they  arrived  here,  the  state  of  things 
was  changed  and  Laud  was  in  custody  of  the  Black  Rod.^^ 
They  were  kindly  received  by  the  Lords  Patentees  or 
proprietors  of  the  island  and  encouraged  to  return.” 
Before  they  did  so,  however,  much  had  taken  place  and 
none  of  them  saw  Providence  again. 

From  the  economic  point  of  view  the  period  of  the 
colony’s  life  that  succeeded  the  supersession  of  Gfov.  Bell, 
in  1636,  is  marked  by  the  great  rapidity  with  which 
Providence  approximated  to  the  ordinary  type  of  a West 
Indian  colony  that  subsisted  with  very  little  change  down 
to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Barbadoes  and 
St.  Christopher  long  had  a large  majority  of  whites  over 
negroes  and  carried  on  the  production  of  tobacco  and 
cotton  by  the  labours  of  indentured  white  servants,  as 
did  the  English  planters  of  Jamaica  for  some  years  after 
its  capture,  but  Providence,  owing  to  the  privateering 
carried  on  from  thence,  was  always  able  to  obtain  unlim- 
ited supplies  of  negroes  at  very  cheap  rates,  and  by  the 
end  of  1637  there  were  almost  as  many  negroes  as  white 
men  in  the  island.  The  company  strongly  objected  to 
the  constant  increase  in  the  number  of  negroes  as 
endangering  the  safety  of  the  island,  but  owing  to  their 
difficulties  in  England,  they  were  unable  to  supply  white 
servants  to  the  planters  in  anything  like  sufficient 
numbers,  and  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  the  planters 
to  accept  even  those  they  did  send.  The  servants  were 
contracted  with  for  three  or  four  years  ’ labour  in  return 
for  food,  lodging,  and  clothing,  and  at  the  end  of  their 
time  they  were  to  receive  £10  each  from  their  masters  and 
a parcel  of  land  from  the  company.  These  terms  the 

12  Laud  had  been  committed  to  custody  by  the  Lords  on  December  18, 
1640. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  259 


planters  became  more  and  more  disinclined  to  assent  to 
as  time  went  on,  and  the  company  complained  that  the 
increased  employment  of  negroes  “brought  down  the 
bodies  and  labours  of  men  to  such  cheapness  that  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  supply  servants  as  we  have  done 
formerly.”  Those  servants  who  could  not  be  disposed 
of  to  the  planters  were  combined  into  families  of  twenty 
or  less  and  set  to  work  on  tobacco  and  cotton  raising  for 
the  company’s  profit.  A store  was  accumulated  from 
these  profits  to  pay  the  £10  due  to  each  on  the  expiry  of 
their  indentures,  and  inspectors  were  appointed  by  the 
council  to  view  the  plantations  every  three  months  and 
see  that  the  arrangements  were  working  satisfactorily. 

None  of  the  company’s  efforts  to  stop  the  influx  of 
negroes  met  with  any  measure  of  success.  It  was 
ordained  that  every  planter  keeping  a negro  should 
maintain  a servant  one  day  in  every  week  upon  the  public 
works.  Those  having  no  negroes  were  to  be  excused 
labour  upon  the  public  works,  their  places  being  filled  by 
the  negroes  belonging  to  the  company.  When  this 
arrangement  was  found  of  no  avail,  it  was  directed  that 
to  every  two  Englishmen  upon  a plantation,  one  negro 
might  be  received,  but  no  more,  and  for  each  of  these 
negroes  forty  pounds  of  tobacco  was  to  be  paid  per 
annum  to  the  company’s  store.  In  addition  to  this  each 
negro  was  bound  to  labour  sixteen  days  in  the  year  on 
the  public  works,  “since  they  are  cheaper  and  are  per- 
petual servants,  and  the  rather  that  the  desire  of  English 
bodies  may  be  kept,  we  depending  on  them  for  the  defence 
of  the  island.”  Negroes  were  only  to  be  bought  from 
the  Dutch  on  the  company’s  account  for  disposal  in 
Virginia  and  the  Somers  Islands,  “we  well  knowing  that 
if  men  be  left  at  liberty  to  buy  as  they  please,  no  man 
will  take  off  English  servants.  And  therefore  we  think 
fit  that  whosoever  buys  a Negro,  shall  be  bound  to  take 


260 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


off  two  English  servants  at  the  common  charge  of 
transportation  and  otherwise.” 

The  sale  of  negroes  to  other  plantations  was  becoming 
a very  important  part  of  the  colony’s  activities,  and  both 
Capt.  Newman  in  the  Happy  Return  and  Capt.  Rudyerd 
in  the  Mary  Hope  were  constantly  landing  captured 
negroes  in  the  island  and  there  disposing  of  them  to  ship- 
masters from  Virginia  and  New  England.  From  1637 
onwards  the  traffic  between  Providence  and  the  northern 
colonies  became  a regular  one  and  from  Winthrop’s 
journal,  as  well  as  from  the  Providence  records,  we  can 
learn  that  William  Peirce,^®  the  well-known  New  England 
ship-master,  was  a frequent  visitor  to  the  island.  After 
the  victory  of  the  Massachusetts  colonists  over  the 
Pequot  Indians  in  July,  1637,  Winthrop  says:”  “We 
had  now  slain  and  taken  in  all  about  seven  hundred. 
We  sent  fifteen  of  the  boys  and  two  women  to  Bermuda 
by  Mr.  Peirce,  but  he,  missing  it,  carried  them  to  Provi- 
dence Isle.””  Peirce  returned  to  New  England  in 
February,  1638,  and  Winthrop  in  his  journal  for  that 
month  gives  us  a fuller  account  of  the  island.”  Feb- 
ruary 26,  1638,  “Mr.  Peirce  in  the  Salem  ship  Desire 
returned  from  the  West  Indies  after  seven  months  and 
brought  some  cotton  and  tobacco  and  negroes  from 
thence  and  salt  from  Tertugos.”  Dry  fish  and  strong 
liquors  are  the  only  commodities  for  those  parts.  He 
met  there  two  men-of-war  set  forth  by  the  Lords  of 

IS  William  Peirce  was  in  command  of  the  Lion  in  Winthrop’s  voyage  of 
1629  and  was  by  far  the  best-known  master  in  the  New  England  trade,  in 
which  he  had  been  engaged  at  any  rate  from  1623.  Bradford’s  Mist,  of 
Plym.  Plant,  (ed.  1912),  I,  309  and  note  2. 

Journal,  I,  228  (1905  ed.). 

IS  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  5th  series,  I,  277. 

Journal,  I,  260. 

17  This  may  be  either  Tortuga  Salada  or  Association.  Salt  was  being 
made  at  both  places  in  1637. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  261 


Providence  vdth  letters  of  mart,  who  had  taken  divers 
prizes  from  the  Spaniard  and  many  negroes.”  Some 
of  the  negroes  sent  from  Pro\ddence  to  New  England 
were  very  savage  and  had  to  be  at  once  returned,  for 
soon  after  one  of  Peirce’s  voyages  we  find  the  company 
giving  special  caution  to  Oov.  Butler  to  take  great  care 
of  “the  cannibal  negroes  brought  from  New  England.” 

The  company’s  fears  of  trouble  arising  from  the  large 
number  of  negroes  in  the  island  were  only  too  well 
founded.  Large  numbers  of  them  escaped  to  the  woods 
covering  the  highest  parts  of  the  island,  and  great  diffi- 
culties were  experienced  in  bringing  about  their  sub- 
mission, though  those  who  surrendered  voluntarily  were 
well  treated,  while  those  who  resisted  were  barbarously 
put  to  death.  Matters  came  to  a head  at  the  end  of  1638, 
when  the  escaped  slaves  in  concert  with  those  negroes 
still  in  ser\utude  rose  in  rebellion  against  their  masters. 
It  was  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  revolt 
was  suppressed  and  the  island  was  gravely  weakened  by 
it,  for  it  emboldened  the  Spaniards  from  Cartagena  once 
more  to  renew  their  efforts  to  clear  out  their  English  foes. 

As  has  been  shown  in  earlier  chapters,  the  company 
had  entirely  abandoned  the  sending  of  magazines  to  the 
island,  for  those  sent  had  proved  very  unprofitable. 
During  the  later  years  of  the  colony’s  existence  entire 
freedom  of  trade  was  permitted  subject  to  the  payment 
of  customs  dues  to  the  company.  These  were  fixed  at 
a higher  rate  for  Dutch  ships  than  for  English  in  order 
to  comply  with  the  royal  commands  restricting  inter- 
course with  the  Hollanders,  and  for  reasons  which  the 
company  expressed  thus:  “For  every  pound  of  tobacco 
the  Dutch  shall  receive  out  of  the  island  in  exchange  for 
any  goods  you  require  of  them,  vi^  is  to  be  paid  there, 
and  so  for  every  pound  of  cotton,  which  are  about  the 
usual  rates  of  custom  paid  here,  and  so  for  other  com- 


262 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


modities.  The  customs  on  tobacco  in  England  are  very 
high,  whereas  in  Holland  it  is  low  and  so  the  Dutch  can 
sell  their  tobacco  and  other  commodities  at  a cheaper 
rate  than  can  be  obtained  from  commodities  received 
through  London,  whither  [the  Company’s]  ships  are 
bound  to  return.”  In  order  further  to  mark  their  hos- 
tility to  foreign  interlopers,  the  company  ordered  that 
any  fort  or  bay  having  a Dutch  name  was  to  be  renamed 
in  English,  and  the  Dutchmen  in  the  island  were  to  be 
treated  very  coldly.  So  difficult  and  precarious  were 
trade  conditions  in  England  in  1639,  that  the  company 
resolved  to  attempt  to  make  the  cloth  they  required  for 
clothing  the  colonists  from  the  cotton  in  the  island  itself ; 
weavers  and  spinners  were  hired  and  sent  out  in  the 
Mary  in  June,  1639,  with  engines  “to  weave  the  cotton 
into  fustians  and  dimities;”  and  it  was  resolved  also  to 
trade  as  much  as  possible  \vith  New  England  for  the 
commodities  the  island  required.  Orders  were  given  that 
any  hides,  tallow,  or  sarsaparilla  captured  by  the  com- 
pany’s ships  were  to  be  disposed  of  in  New  England, 
whence  they  might  be  despatched  through  the  Straits 
of  Gibraltar  to  Mediterranean  ports  or  to  France,  so  as 
to  save  the  customs  and  impositions  in  England.  That 
this  course  was  in  fact  adopted,  we  may  learn  from  many 
entries  by  Massachusetts  writers. 

In  September,  1638,  Capt.  Newman  sent  to  Massa- 
chusetts a captured  Spanish  frigate  with  hides  and 
tallow,’*  and  in  November  he  arrived  there  himself  in 
his  pinnace,  the  Providence^  “One  Captain  Nevmian, 
being  set  forth  with  commission  from  the  Earl  of  Hol- 
land, Governor  of  the  Westminster  Company,  and  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  and  others  of  the  same  company,  to 
spoil  the  Spaniard  within  the  limits  of  their  grant  in 

18  Winthrop ’s  Journal,  I,  278. 

19  Ihid.,  I,  283. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  263 


the  West  Indies,  after  he  had  taken  many  of  their 
small  vessels,  etc.,  returned  home  by  the  Massachusetts 
in  a small  pinnace,  with  which  he  had  taken  all  his  prizes 
(for  his  great  ship  was  of  no  use  for  that  purpose). 
He  brought  many  hides  and  much  tallow.  The  hides  he 
sold  here  for  £17-10s.  the  score;  the  tallow  at  29s  the 
hundred;  and  set  sail  for  England  on  the  1st  of  Decem- 
ber.” Newman’s  adventures  after  leaving  Massachu- 
setts are  of  interest  to  us  as  involving  the  Providence 
Company  in  a lawsuit  that  was  undecided  for  many  years 
and  was  still  debated  long  after  the  colony  had  been 
destroyed. 

The  Happy  Return,  Newman’s  larger  vessel,  had 
reached  England  safely  in  April,  1638,  and  had  landed 
a cargo  of  tobacco,  tallow,  and  hides  to  the  value  of  about 
£4000.  Sarsaparilla  to  the  value  of  about  £900  had  been 
disposed  of  in  New  England,  so  that  the  company  for 
their  share  got  about  £3000  out  of  the  cargo.  Newman 
in  the  pinnace  Providence  was  sailing  up  the  Channel 
on  Christmas  Day,  1638,^®  after  a favourable  passage 
from  New  England,  when  less  than  two  leagues  off  Dun- 
geness  the  vessel  was  attacked  by  a Dunkirk  ship,  belong- 
ing to  one  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  town.  Five 
sailors  were  wounded  and  three  killed  in  the  fight  and 
the  Providence  was  finally  overwhelmed  by  force  of 
numbers  and  compelled  to  surrender.  The  officers  and 
sailors  were  stripped  to  their  shirts,  carried  to  Dunkirk 
and  there  tied  two  by  two  and  thrust  into  a dungeon 
below  the  town  ditch.  The  cargo  of  the  Providence,  when 
discharged,  was  found  to  comprise  valuables  of  all 

20  Many  depositions  about  the  case  exist  among  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
State  Papers,  Foreign  (Flanders),  and  the  Admiralty  Court  records. 
Some  of  these  have  been  calendared  under  a misapprehension  as  having 
to  do  with  the  great  fishing  company  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  that  was 
also  having  trouble  with  Dunkirkers  about  this  time. 


264 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


sorts, — twenty-five  packages  of  indigo,  divers  packages 
of  sarsaparilla,  a gold  chain  three  ells  long,  a sack  of 
ambergris,  four  diamonds,  a large  quantity  of  pearls, 
several  bags  of  gold  and  silver,  some  silver  plate,  two 
large  and  heavy  lumps  of  gold  as  heavy  as  a man  could 
lift,  the  whole  being  of  the  value  of  about  £30,000.  No 
sooner  had  the  company  heard  of  Newman’s  capture  than 
they  began  through  the  Earl  of  Holland  to  move  the  king 
to  secure  his  immediate  release.  Sir  Balthasar  Gerbier 
was  directed  to  make  the  most  strenuous  representations 
to  the  Cardinal  Infante,  the  ruler  of  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands; Sir  Arthur  Hopton  was  ordered  to  do  the  same 
to  the  Spanish  court,  but  not  the  least  progress  could 
be  made,  for  Newman  was  held  at  Dunkirk  to  be  “the 
greatest  English  pirate  unhanged.”  Gerbier ’s  repre- 
sentations to  the  Cardinal  Infante  himself  were  received 
with  studied  rudeness,  and  his  letters  home  pointed  out 
that  his  pleadings  for  a notorious  pirate  damaged  badly 
the  more  important  negotiations  he  was  constantly  being 
charged  to  deal  with.  The  only  boon  secured  after  nearly 
two  years’  negotiation  was  the  release  of  the  prisoners 
on  the  payment  of  their  very  heavy  charges.  Newman 
at  once  returned  to  his  piratical  exploits  and  from 
Winthrop^^  we  learn  that  “he  was  afterwards  cast  away 
at  Christopher’s  with  a very  rich  prize  in  the  great 
hyrraeano,  1642.”  The  matter  of  the  captured  cargo 
was  brought  before  parliament  in  1641,^®  but  stood  still 
during  the  troubles,  until  in  1649  we  find  the  surviving 
members  of  the  Providence  Company  claiming  a share 
of  the  value  of  the  celebrated  Spanish  vessel,  the  Santa 

21  These  details  are  derived  from  Sir  Balthasar  Gerbier ’s  representation 
to  the  Cardinal  Infante.  S.  P.  For.  Flanders,  4 Jan.,  1640. 

Journal,  I,  283. 

23  “House  of  Lords,  MSS.,”  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Fourth  Beport,  20  April, 
28  June,  6 July,  1641,  12  Oct.,  1643. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  265 


Clara,  that  had  been  seized  in  Portsmouth  harbour.  No 
conclusion  could  be  arrived  at  and  on  January  25,  1650, 
the  matter  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Rump  Parliament 
to  be  dealt  with,  but  apparently  without  result.  The  last 
mention  of  the  affair  is  found  in  a petition  to  the 
Restoration  House  of  Lords  in  the  session  of  1660. 

Attempts  might  be  made  by  the  company  to  secure 
redress  from  the  Dunkirkers,  though  the  attempts  might 
be  vain,  but  no  redress  could  be  sought  from  the  Algerine 
pirates,  who  swarmed  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  the 
entrance  to  the  English  Channel.  The  reinforcements 
for  Providence  for  the  year  1639  were  sent  out  by  the 
Mary,  a ship  belonging  to  the  well-known  merchant, 
Maurice  Thompson,  which  was  bound  for  Barbadoes  and 
was  chartered  by  the  company  for  their  service  after 
leaving  there.  She  carried  a few  servants  for  Provi- 
dence and  one  or  two  Puritan  families  under  the  lead 
of  John  Symonds,  a client  of  Lord  Mandeville,  who  was 
returning  to  his  wife  in  Providence.  Hardly  had  the 
Mary  left  the  Channel  (July,  1639),  when  she  was  cap- 
tured by  an  Algerine  corsair  and  her  passengers  and 
crew  carried  into  captivity.  The  first  news  from  them 
arrived  in  a letter  written  by  Symonds  from  Algiers  in 
November,  1639,  and  still  extant  among  the  Manchester 
Papers.^*  Symonds  writes  to  Lord  Mandeville  to  beg 
the  company  to  ransom  the  poor  captives  from  their 
slavery.  “When  I considered,”  he  says,  “that  the  soul 
into  which  God  hath  distilled  most  grace,  and  [which] 
hath  tasted  the  joys  of  God’s  spirit  is  ever  compassion- 
ate, having  a fellow  feeling  of  the  miseries  of  others, 

2^  Manch.  Pap.,  423,  20  Nov.,  ]639.  The  letter  is  very  badly  written 
and  has  been  calendared  (Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Eighth  Beport,  App.  2)  as 
coming  from  ‘ ‘ Aryter  most  probably  Henrietta  ” ( ! ) > ^ misreading  of 
Argier,  the  seventeenth  century  form  of  the  name  Algiers.  The  pr4eis  of 
the  letter  is  badly  done. 


266 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


that  consoled  me  to  trouble  your  Lordship  humbly 
beseeching  that  you  would  commiserate  the  miserable 
condition  of  a company  of  poor  people.  We  expect  not 
that  the  honourable  Company  should  disburse  money 
for  our  redemption,  for  the  sum  will  be  great,  we  being 
about  30  that  were  shipped  for  the  island.  Right 
Honourable,  if  it  may  be  done  with  conveniency  [we  pray 
you]  to  move  our  gracious  King  in  our  behalf;  there  are 
2000  English  Christians  besides  Renegadoes.  . . . There 
are  some  forced  to  filthiness,  some  to  despair,  and  so  to 
turn  their  back  upon  Christ.  Myself  have  been  much 
solicited,  but  God  hath  established  my  heart.  ...  I have 
been  a suitor  through  Mr.  Carter  to  their  honours  Lord 
Saye  and  Lord  Brooke,  and  the  same  suit  I present  to 
your  honour.  There  is  a gracious  woman  weeping,  as 
I humbly  beseech  your  Lordship  to  think,  upon  your 
poor  island.”  Symonds’s  pathetic  plaint  did  not  fall 
on  deaf  ears,  for  by  February,  1640,  the  company  had 
arranged  to  ransom  at  any  rate  some  of  the  captives. 

The  possession  by  the  Providence  Company  of  per- 
mission from  the  crown  to  undertake  reprisals  against 
the  Spaniards  was  a very  valuable  asset  to  them,  and 
they  were  constantly  being  approached  by  speculators 
during  the  later  years  of  their  existence  as  a company 
for  the  issue  of  commissions  for  ships  to  undertake 
privateering  voyages  in  the  West  Indies  in  return  for 
a share  of  the  proceeds.  The  company  always  refused 
to  invest  money  in  fitting  out  these  privateer  ships,  but 
granted  the  desired  commissions  to  the  adventurers  in 
return  for  a fixed  payment  of  one-fifth  part  of  all  booty 
taken.  The  last  ships  fitted  out  by  the  company  them- 
selves were  two  pinnaces,  the  Swallow  and  the  Spy, 
despatched  in  July,  1638,  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Samuel  Axe,  his  son  Andrew  Axe,  Capt.  Nicholas 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  267 


Parker,^®  and  Matthew  Harbottle.  In  October,  1638,  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  who  bad  bought  out  the  rights  of 
Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  over  the  islands  of  Trinidad, 
Tobago,  St.  Bernard  [Fonseca],  and  Barbadoes,^® 
despatched  two  pinnaces  to  commence  a plantation  upon 
Trinidad,  and  these  received  from  the  Providence  Com- 
pany commissions  for  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards. 
In  June  of  the  same  year  a grant  of  incorporation  was 
issued  by  the  company  to  William  Claiborne,  the  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland  planter,  for  the  settlement  “of  an 
island  by  him  and  his  associates  discovered  within  the 
Company’s  Patent  to  be  called  Rich  Island  in  honour 
of  the  Earl  of  Holland.  ’ ’ This  was  the  island  of  Ruatan 
(Rattan),  the  principal  of  the  Bay  Islands,  off  the  coast 
of  Honduras;  the  first  settlement  of  the  island  by  Eng- 
lishmen did  not  last  long,  for  they  were  expelled  by  the 
Spaniards  in  1642,^^  but  the  connection  of  England  with 
the  Bay  Islands  subsisted  through  the  eighteenth  century 
and  the  claims  to  their  possession  were  only  abandoned 
some  fifty  years  ago. 

In  July,  1639,  Capt.  John  Dell  was  provided  with  a 
commission  for  his  ship,  the  Advantage,  financed  by 
Abraham  de  Lean,  a prominent  Huguenot  merchant  in 
the  City  of  London,  and  some  of  his  partners,  and  in 
January,  1641,  there  returned  to  England  Capt.  William 
Jackson  with  a prize  richly  laden  with  indigo,  which  had 
been  captured  under  the  company’s  commission  and 
brought  into  their  coffers  over  £3000.  In  the  turmoil  of 
the  time  Capt.  Jackson’s  name  has  been  entirely  for- 
gotten by  succeeding  generations,  but  by  the  English- 

25  Capt.  Parker  filled  an  important  part  in  later  West  Indian  history 
and  became  a trusted  employe  of  the  Commonwealth.  In  1660  he  was  consul 
at  Algiers. 

26  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.,  3662,  fo.  45,  Scott ’s  account. 

22  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.,  793  or  894.  Alcedo  y Herrera,  Piraterias  y 
agressiones  en  la  America  Espanola,  Madrid,  1883,  p.  123. 


268 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


man  of  1642  his  exploits  were  as  proudly  thought  of 
as  those  of  Drake  and  Hawkins.  No  account  of  his  doings 
appears  to  have  been  printed,  but  among  the  Sloane 
MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  there  is  a little  manuscript 
volume  entitled  “Mercurius  Americanus,  giving  a full 
account  of  the  last  expedition  in  the  Elizabethan  manner 
against  the  Spanish  Indies,  carried  out  under  Jackson’s 
command  in  1642-1643.  The  account  is  written  by  an 
eyewitness  of  the  exploits  and  is  quite  after  the  Hakluyt 
fashion.  At  some  future  time  it  may  be  possible  to 
rescue  Jackson’s  story  from  its  undeserved  oblivion. 
Both  his  voyage  of  1639-1641  and  the  later  and  greater 
expedition  were  carried  out  under  the  Providence  Com- 
pany’s commission  for  reprisals.  The  first  voyage  was 
financed  by  the  well-known  merchant,  Maurice  Thompson 
of  London,  and  some  Cornish  merchants  interested  along 
with  the  Killegrews  in  the  privateering  trade.^®  Jackson 
left  England  some  time  in  1638  and  obtained  little  success 
on  his  outward  voyage;  he  put  in  to  Pro\ddence  to  re- 
victual in  April,  1639,  while  Gov.  Butler  was  absent  from 
the  island  and  the  government  was  vested  for  the  time 
being  in  the  hands  of  Capt.  Andrew  Carter.  We  showed 
in  the  previous  chapter  to  what  lengths  of  injustice 
Carter  proceeded  when  the  government  was  definitely 
vested  in  him,  but  even  thus  early  he  displayed  the  same 
spirit. 

One  Robert  Robins,  a native  of  Penrhyn  in  Cornwall, 
had  long  been  a planter  in  Providence  and  a prominent 
supporter  of  the  Puritan  party.  Having  in  some  way 
offended  the  governor,  he  was  arrested,  clapped  into 

28  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.,  793  or  894. 

29  < ‘ House  of  Lords  MSS.,  ’ ’ Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Fourth,  Beport,  App.,  p.  63. 
Lords’  Journals,  IV,  248.  The  majority  of  the  details  given  in  the  text 
are  derived  from  the  original  petition  of  Robert  Robins  to  the  House  of 
Lords,  22  April,  1642,  calendared  very  briefly.  Fifth  Beport,  App.,  p.  18. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  269 


irons,  and  refused  communication  with  his  wife,  servants, 
or  family ; the  following  day,  being  brought  before  Carter, 
an  order  of  banishment  was  pronounced  against  him 
without  any  trial  and  he  was  forcibly  conveyed  aboard 
Jackson’s  ship,  then  lying  in  the  harbour.  The  Puritan 
party  of  the  council,  hearing  of  Robins’s  plight,  ap- 
proached Carter  under  the  leadership  of  Sherrard  and 
Halhead  and  offered  to  stand  bail  for  his  appearance  at 
a public  trial  either  before  the  council  or  in  England 
before  the  company.  Carter  entirely  refused  to  listen 
to  them  and  maintained  that  what  he  had  done  was 
within  his  prerogative  as  governor.  Jackson  was  then 
bound  on  a daring  raid  up  the  Nicaragua  River  or  El 
Desaguadero,  and  Robins  in  his  own  words  was  “in 
fearful  storms  of  thunder  and  foul  weather  forced  to 
work,  stand  sentry,  watch  and  fight,  he  being  a prisoner. 
The  pillage  that  he  got  was  taken  from  him,  also  he 
suffered  miserable  afflictions  for  want  of  clothes  by 
mosquitoes  and  other  venomous  vermin  and  flies,  daily 
in  danger  of  his  life.”  Jackson’s  raid  was  very  profit- 
able, but  Robins  for  all  his  sufferings  was  only  granted 
a single  share.  “When  the  goods  were  being  shared, 
one  of  the  company,  pitying  his  cause,  promised  him  a 
single  share,  being  half  so  much  as  the  boys  have,  yet 
they  had  made  him  cook  for  the  whole  company  and 
divers  others,  strangers  and  negroes,  and  four  shares 
belonged  to  the  cook  by  order  of  the  Trinity  House.” 
Robins  was  sent  ashore  in  Providence  and  told  to  shift 
for  himself,  while  Jackson  sailed  to  New  England  to 
dispose  of  the  booty. 

On  August  27,  1639,  Winthrop  writes  in  his  journal:®® 
“Here  came  a small  bark  from  the  West  Indies,  one 
Captain  Jackson  in  her,  with  commission  from  the  West- 
minster Company  to  take  prize,  etc.,  from  the  Spaniard. 

30  Journal,  I,  309. 


270 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


He  brought  much  wealth  in  money,  plate,  indico  and 
sugar.  He  sold  his  indico  and  sugar  here  for  £1400, 
wherewith  he  furnished  himself  with  commodies  and 
again  departed  for  the  West  Indies.”  For  another  year 
Jackson  continued  his  roving  cruise  in  the  Indies  and 
met  with  very  fair  success,  but  about  the  end  of  1640  he 
set  sail  for  England  with  the  large  indigo-laden  prize 
we  have  before  mentioned.  Robins  had  succeeded  in 
collecting  some  of  the  debts  owing  to  him  in  Providence, 
and  having  with  great  difficulty  secured  from  Carter 
permission  to  leave  the  island,  he  paid  for  his  passage 
to  England  on  one  of  Thompson’s  ships.  But  his 
troubles  were  not  yet  over.  “The  petitioner  shipped 
himself  a passenger  for  England  with  one  Thompson 
and  delivered  him  his  tickeP^  for  his  free  departure  out 
of  the  island,  yet  within  three  weeks  of  their  being  at 
sea,  in  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  Jackson  and  Thompson  com- 
bined together  and  violently  took  and  carried  the  peti- 
tioner aboard  Jackson’s  man-of-war,  kept  all  his  goods 
and  much  of  his  clothes,  gave  special  directions  to  the 
master  of  the  ship  to  keep  him  in  irons  and  convey  him 
to  New  England  to  be  hanged  and  his  goods  to  be  spent 
upon  the  seamen.  Then  the  petitioner  demanded  his 
ticket,  being  his  relief  from  imprisonment,  and  a bill 
of  lading  for  his  goods,  but  Jackson  and  Thompson  said 
he  was  a prisoner  and  should  have  none  of  them  nor 
any  bill  of  lading  for  them.”  Robins  suffered  a great 
deal  of  misery  and  “was  forced  to  eat  tallow  for  the 
most  part  of  his  meat  for  a long  time,  which  caused  a 
dangerous  sickness  when  he  came  ashore,  being  almost 
starved  and  naked.”  The  vessel  in  which  he  was  a pris- 
oner did  not  sail  direct  to  England,  but  put  into  some 

31  The  “ticket”  was  a paper  signed  by  the  governor  and  certifying  that 
the  person  named  in  it  had  full  permission  to  sail  for  England. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  COMPANY  271 


Irish  port  and  there  disposed  of  a large  part  of  her 
booty. 

There  is  no  room  to  doubt  that  the  Providence  Com- 
pany were  not  being  honestly  dealt  with  by  those  who 
plundered  the  Spaniards  under  their  commission,  and 
it  is  certain  that  Jackson  paid  over  to  the  company  much 
less  than  the  fifth  due  to  them  under  their  agreement. 
He  also  endeavoured  to  cheat  some  of  his  partners  and 
the  journals  of  the  Long  Parliament  contain  many 
references  to  the  disputes  that  resulted  in  consequence 
of  his  sharp  practice.  Robins  found  it  impossible  to  get 
redress  for  his  wrongs  either  from  Jackson  or  from  “the 
honourable  Company  of  Adventurers  into  Providence  in 
respect  of  State  atfairs,  all  of  them  being  members  of 
Parliament  . . . and  now,”  wrote  he  in  1642,  “all  his 
witnesses  are  hound  to  sea,  and  also  Captain  Jackson  is 
bound  to  the  West  Indies  on  the  first  of  April  next 
[1642],  so  that  the  petitioner  is  likely  to  lose  all  his 
goods,  suffer  all  their  wrongs  and  return  to  his  friends 
begging,  in  respect  he  can  get  relief  in  no  Court  in  Eng- 
land, but  in  this  hon^^®  House,  and  except  your  LoP®  hear 
his  case.”  It  is  to  be  feared  that  Robins  got  very  little 
satisfaction  even  from  the  House  of  Lords,  for  though 
Lords  Brooke  and  Robartes  were  appointed  as  a com- 
mittee to  examine  the  matter,  no  conclusion  was  arrived 
at  before  England  was  plunged  into  the  throes  of  the 
Civil  War,  and  all  good  government  was  at  a standstill. 


CHAPTER  XII 


TRADE  WITH  THE  MAIN;  FRENCH  CAPTURE 
OF  TORTUGA 


While  the  course  of  events  in  Providence  and  Asso- 
ciation was  proving  fatal  to  all  the  company’s  hopes  of 
profit  and  success,  their  scheme  for  founding  a pros- 
perous colony  and  trading  post  upon  the  mainland  coast 
was  flourishing  no  better.  In  1634  a large  vessel,  the 
Robert,  had  carried  out  a valuable  cargo  of  trade  stutf 
to  Capt.  Sussex  Camock,  the  company’s  agent  at  Cape 
Gracias  a Dios,  but  the  voyage  was  an  entire  failure, 
and  when  the  Robert  returned  to  England  in  June,  1635, 
the  company  were  disgusted  to  find  that  Camock  had 
wearied  of  the  work  he  had  contracted  to  do,  and  had 
returned  home  in  defiance  of  all  engagements.^  Camock 
had  left  in  charge  of  the  colony  Capt.  Samuel  Axe,  who 
had  done  much  for  the  company’s  interests  while  in 
charge  of  the  depot  at  the  Moskito  Cays.  Axe  was  well 
seconded  in  his  efforts  to  carry  on  a successful  Indian 
trade  by  a Dutch  sailor,  who  had  long  served  as  mate 
in  the  company’s  ships.  This  Abraham  Blauvelt,  or 
Blewfield  (Bluefield)^  as  the  English  called  him,  was  a 
daring  and  resourceful  sailor  who  was  constantly  under- 
taking voyages  of  exploration  and  trade  up  the  rivers 

1 Camock  left  the  company ’s  service  on  his  return  to  England.  In  1636 
the  State  Papers  show  us  (3  June,  1636)  that  he  became  captain  of  Land- 
guard  Fort  at  Harwich  and  there  he  was  stiU  serving  during  the  early  years 
of  the  Civil  War. 

2 The  name  is  frequently  spelled  Bluefield  or  Bluefields. 


TRADE:  LOSS  OF  TORTUGA 


273 


of  the  coast,  and  who  has  left  his  name  permanently 
in  at  least  two  places  on  the  map  of  the  West  Indies. 
We  first  hear  of  him  as  doing  shipwright’s  work  in  the 
repair  ships  at  Providence,  and  later  building  shallops 
for  the  company  from  the  cedar-wood  that  grew  in  pro- 
fusion in  Henrietta  Island.  In  a pinnace  that  he  him- 
self had  built,  he  began  his  exploration  of  the  rivers  of 
the  Main,  and  with  her  he  maintained  communication 
between  the  island  of  Providence  and  the  men  engaged 
in  preparing  silk-grass  at  the  Cape.  In  1637  he  returned 
to  England  as  mate  of  the  Expectation  in  order  to  give 
an  account  to  the  company  of  his  explorations  of  the 
mainland  coast.  He  told  them  that  at  Monkey  Bay  he 
had  discovered  a good  harbour  a mile  and  a half  broad 
at  the  mouth  and  capable  of  strong  fortification  by  means 
of  some  islands  lying  in  its  entrance.  This  harbour 
provided  an  excellent  anchorage  for  ships,  and  was  sur- 
rounded by  fertile  country  overgrown  with  silk-grass 
and  containing  many  other  excellent  commodities.  Into 
the  harbour  flows  an  important  river  now  called,  after  its 
discoverer,  the  Blewfields  River  and  by  the  Spaniards 
the  Escondido ; this  river  Blewfield  explored  for  a consid- 
erable distance  into  the  Main.  He  recommended  the 
harbour  to  the  company  as  a suitable  place  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a trading  station  and  settlement,  but  their 
preoccupations  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to  act 
upon  his  suggestion.  At  a later  period,  however,  the 
buccaneers  made  the  harbour  one  of  their  principal 
rendezvous,  and  the  town  there  established  is  still  called 
after  the  name  of  the  discoverer  of  the  harbour,  Blew- 
fields. After  the  capture  of  Providence  by  the  Span- 
iards, Blewfield  entered  for  a time  the  service  of  the 
Swedish  West  India  Company,  but  he  found  privateering 
a more  profitable  occupation  than  trade,  and  in  1644  we 
find  him  commanding  a ship  of  his  own  and  sailing  from 


274 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


New  Amsterdam®  to  prey  upon  the  Spaniards.  At  this 
time,  or  perhaps  later,  he  occasionally  made  his  head- 
quarters at  a harbour  in  the  southwest  of  Jamaica  and 
this  is  still  called  Blewfields  Bay.  The  publication  of 
the  treaty  of  Munster  in  1648,  by  which  the  long  war 
between  Holland  and  Spain  was  closed,  prevented  him 
from  bringing  his  prizes  safely  into  New  Amsterdam, 
and  he  began  to  dispose  of  them  instead  at  Newport  in 
Rhode  Island.  There  he  got  into  trouble  with  his  crew 
of  many  nationalities  and  we  hear  of  him  in  a letter  from 
Roger  Williams,  who  was  much  put  about  at  the  ill- 
name  his  unlawful  proceedings  would  bring  upon  the 
Rhode  Island  colony.*  We  last  hear  of  him  in  a list  of 
buccaneers  in  1663  as  “Captain  Blewfield,  belonging  to 
Cape  Gratia  de  Dios,  living  among  the  Indians.”  His 
ship  was  a barque  with  fifty  men  and  three  guns.® 

The  trade  at  the  Cape,  although  it  never  attained  to 
any  considerable  proportions,  was  maintained  by  the 
Providence  Company  throughout  its  existence,  and  in 
the  later  years,  when  they  realised  that  Providence  might 
at  any  time  be  overwhelmed  by  the  Spaniards,  the 
masters  of  their  ships  were  instructed  to  carry  their 
passengers  to  the  Cape,  if  Providence  were  found  to  have 
been  captured.  In  1638  Capt.  Axe  described  the  land 
surrounding  the  settlement  in  these  terms:  “At  the 

Cape  [Gracias  a Dios]  there  is  good  store  of  victuals, 
a good  country  for  corn,  the  grass  not  troublesome  as 
in  the  Island,  store  of  honey,  yet  not  to  make  a com- 
modity. Reasonable  store  of  flax,  greater  store  at 

3 O ’Callaghan,  Eist.  of  New  Netherland,  I,  296;  New  York  Doeuments, 
I,  397-399.  In  1650  he  owned  and  commanded  the  French  ship  La  Garse. 

4 Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VI,  272.  Eoger  Williams  to  John 
Winthrop,  jr.,  Narragansett,  25  Oct.,  1649,  and  9 Nov.,  1649,  “Here  hath 
been  great  bickerings  about  Blewfield ’s  ship  at  Newport.  ’ ’ 

5 Eawlinson  MSS.,  quoted  by  C.  H.  Haring,  Buceaneers  of  West  Indies, 
Lend.,  1910,  p.  273. 


TRADE:  LOSS  OF  TORTUGA 


275 


Monkey  Bay,  but  then  they  that  gather  it  must  go  strong- 
in  regard  of  the  Spanish  neighbourhood.®  The  flax  after 
cutting  will  grow  again  in  6 or  7 months.  As  fair  sugar 
canes  as  any  in  the  world.  The  air  is  temperate;  it 
agrees  with  English  bodies  and  is  very  healthful;  the 
soil  some  miles  from  the  coast  is  very  firm.  The  Cape 
River  is  navigable  with  small  vessels,  but  the  entrance 
is  unhealthful  in  regard  to  the  drowned  grounds  there- 
about, which  may  be  avoided  by  going  up  the  river  at 
Many  Bay  for  about  10  miles,  which  will  bring  one  into 
the  Cape  River  above  the  ‘moorish’^  grounds.  Some 
quantity  of  deer,  good  materials  for  brick,  good  trees  for 
building.  The  only  clothes  requisite  are  hnen,  shoes  and 
hats.  Annotto  thrives  well  and  in  great  abundance,  and 
there  is  plenty  of  cotton.  The  tobacco  is  like  to  exceed 
that  of  the  island  in  goodness.” 

Axe  had  been  less  successful  than  other  employes  of 
the  company  in  dealing  with  the  Indians  and  the  only 
occasion  on  which  we  hear  of  any  Indian  fighting  in  the 
colony’s  history  is  soon  after  his  taking  over  from 
Camock  the  command  of  the  enterprise  on  the  Main. 
The  affair  appears  to  have  occurred  during  one  of  his 
exploring  voyages  up  the  Cape  River  and  he  came  in  for 
a very  severe  reproof  for  undertaking  any  hostility  what- 
ever against  the  natives.  “We  desire  to  receive  expla- 
nations,” wrote  the  company,  “concerning  the  slaughter 
of  the  Indians  by  the  English  under  your  command  upon 
the  Main.  We  know  that  the  law  will  not  take  notice  of 
it,  yet  the  Lord  is  the  avenger  of  blood  and  His  justice 
will  certainly  requite  it.  Besides  we  are  yet  ignorant 

6 The  Spanish  friars  had  made  many  attempts  to  convert  the  Moskito 
Indians  and  many  had  suffered  martyrdom,  e.g.,  Fray  Martinez  in  1624. 
Axe’s  allusion  may  point  to  some  fresh  Spanish  missions  on  the  Aseondido, 
V.  Juarros,  Hist,  of  Guatemala,  p.  361. 

1 For  ‘ ‘ mere-ish.  ’ ’ Covered  with  shallow  sheets  of  water  filled  with  reeds. 


276 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


how  the  guilt  of  your  crime  may  redound  to  the  blasting 
of  our  own  designs.  We  expect  your  defence  by  the  next 
ship,  but  as  the  matter  now  stands,  we  cannot  clear  you 
from  a crime  of  very  high  nature,  though  we  do  not  hold 
you  guilty  till  we  hear  your  defence.  Remember  that 
the  eye  of  God  is  upon  you  and  cannot  be  deceived.  If 
you  are  not  able  to  take  otf  the  guilt  of  blood  from  your 
conscience,  we  advise  you  to  humble  yourself  before 
the  Lord  by  unfeigned  repentance  and  to  give  public 
testimonies  of  the  truth  of  your  humiliation.” 

The  chief  difficulty  the  company  had  to  labour  against 
in  carrying  on  both  their  trade  at  the  Main  and  the 
plantation  in  Providence  itself  was  the  great  disincli- 
nation of  the  colonists  for  steady  and  laborious  work 
and  their  preference  for  the  free  and  easy  life  of  the 
rover,  who  though  one  day  he  might  be  starving  on  a 
meagre  allowance  of  raw  turtle,  might  the  next  be  master 
of  a rich  prize  of  sarsaparilla  or  indigo  that  he  could 
dispose  of  to  the  merchants  in  New  England  for  what 
was  a fabulous  sum  to  a poor  sailor.  The  fascination  of 
this  roving  seems  to  have  been  almost  irresistible  and 
most  stringent  penalties  had  to  be  enacted  by  the  com- 
pany in  order  to  prevent  their  servants  from  stealing 
away  in  shallops  or  canoes  to  seek  for  wealth  at  the 
Spaniards’  expense.  “If  any  man  shall  offer  to  run 
away  from  the  island  in  boats  or  otherwise,  upon  dis- 
covery of  his  purpose,”  wrote  the  company  to  the  council, 
“you  are  to  sentence  him  to  be  whipped  and  then  to  be 
laid  in  irons  and  afterwards  to  be  condemned  to  per- 
petual service  on  the  public  works  till  we  give  other 
order,  having  such  reasonable  food  allowed  him  as  may 
keep  him  in  strength  only.  If  frequent  attempts  are 
made,  some  of  those  so  attempting  are  to  be  sentenced 
to  death  in  order  to  make  an  example.”  But  these 
harsh  penalties  proved  ineffectual  and  the  perpetual 


TRADE:  LOSS  OF  TORTUGA 


277 


leakage  went  on,  even  though  men  learned  of  the  hard 
fate  of  some  of  those  who  had  escaped.  On  February 
15,  1639,  an  alarm  was  given  from  the  lookout  stationed 
upon  Fair  Way  Hill  that  a large  ship  was  making  for 
the  harbour  without  showing  the  private  signal;  her 
navigators  were  evidently  strangers  to  Providence,  for 
she  fell  among  the  narrow  channels  to  the  northwest  of 
the  island  and  was  deserted  by  her  crew.  Nor  were  they 
in  their  shallops  able  to  find  their  way  into  the  harbour 
until  Gov.  Butler,  going  out  in  his  barge  to  reconnoitre, 
found  the  vessel  to  be  a Dutch  privateer  with  a com- 
mission from  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  guided  them 
into  the  harbour,  where  they  were  hospitably  entertained. 
Among  those  on  board  the  Dutch  vessel  was  an  English- 
man, who  with  four  companions  had  escaped  from 
Providence  long  before  in  a shallop  they  had  stolen  by 
night  in  the  hope  of  intercepting  one  of  the  small 
Guatemala  frigates  that  crept  along  close  in  to  the  shores 
of  the  Main.  But  a gale  springing  up,  they  had  been 
driven  far  from  their  intended  course  to  the  northward 
and  their  boat  had  been  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  tiny 
sandy  islet  of  Roncador  or  “The  Snorer,”  some  ninety 
miles  to  the  east  of  Providence.  The  islet  had  received 
its  name  from  the  continual  noise  made  by  the  breakers 
upon  the  sunken  rocks  surrounding  it  and  was  avoided 
by  every  mariner.  It  is  quite  barren  and  without  fresh 
water,  but  in  the  breeding  season  is  the  haunt  of  sea- 
birds. There  for  two  and  a half  years  the  Englishman 
had  lived  a miserable  existence  upon  the  fish  and  sea- 
fowl  he  caught,  and  the  rain  that  gathered  in  the  hollows 
of  the  rocks.  One  by  one  his  companions  had  perished, 
and  for  the  last  ten  months  he  was  quite  alone,  till  the 
crew  of  the  Dutch  vessel  espied  and  rescued  him.  So 
striking  was  his  deliverance  thought  to  be  after  so  many 
vicissitudes  that  Minister  Sherrard  could  not  resist  the 


278 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


opportunity  of  pointing  a moral,  and  the  following 
Sunday  at  the  evening  service  in  the  presence  of  the 
governor  and  council,  the  rescued  man  was  introduced 
after  the  sermon  to  offer  up  public  thanksgiving  for  his 
deliverance,  to  make  confession  of  his  vicious  life,  and  to 
register  a vow  of  future  atonement. 

The  passion  for  wandering  from  island  to  island  in 
search  of  an  easy  road  to  wealth  is  a most  noticeable 
trait  of  the  early  colonists  in  the  West  Indies,  and  it  was 
many  years  before  the  English  colonies  settled  down 
into  well-organised  and  stable  communities.  The  average 
man  who  had  once  abandoned  the  ordinary  equable  course 
of  his  life  in  England  in  order  to  emigrate  either  to  New 
England  or  the  Caribbean  must  have  had  in  him  some 
latent  love  of  adventure  for  its  own  sake,  and  the  zest 
for  novelty  once  having  been  roused  was  hard  to  quell, 
and  it  was  difficult  for  him  to  settle  down  again  to  a life 
of  monotonous  toil.  This  restlessness  is  noticeable  as  it 
affected  many  among  the  New  England  colonists,  but 
there  the  conditions  of  the  community  soon  became  prac- 
tically stable  and  the  social  system  was  after  all  not  very 
different  from  what  the  colonists  had  left  behind  in  the 
old  country.  The  general  trend  of  affairs  in  New  Eng- 
land, therefore,  was  towards  stability  and  so  remained 
well  on  into  the  eighteenth  century;  in  St.  Christopher, 
Providence,  and  Barbadoes  everything  tended  in  the 
opposite  direction.  The  climate  and  the  surroundings 
of  the  settlers  were  entirely  different  from  those  they 
had  left  in  England,  different  methods  of  cultivation 
must  be  adopted,  and  to  secure  good  profits  from  the 
soil  constant  effort  was  necessary.  Unremitting  effort 
is  always  difficult  for  a white  man  beneath  a tropical 
sun,  hut  it  was  especially  hard  for  a new-landed  emigrant 
when  he  had  before  his  eyes  the  spectacle  to  be  seen 
daily  in  the  houses  round  his  harbour,  where  the  rovers 


TRADE;  LOSS  OF  TORTUGA 


279 


would  congregate  after  their  voyages  to  squander  their 
gains  in  revelry  and  to  boast  of  the  wealth  to  be  won 
at  the  Spaniards’  expense.  One  of  the  greatest  masters 
of  Enghsh  fiction  has  imparted  to  the  pages  of  his 
Treasure  Island  the  glamour  of  this  spirit  of  adventure 
in  a way  that  a prosaic  summing  up  of  details  and  sta- 
tistics would  entirely  fail  to  do ; but  even  the  most  cursory 
reading  in  the  records  of  the  early  seventeenth  century 
must  convince  us  that  the  spirit  of  adventure  was  as  real 
a factor  in  the  history  of  the  Caribbean  as  it  has  been 
in  the  history  of  the  western  frontier  of  America. 

Just  as  Providence  lost  settlers  to  other  colonies,  so 
did  it  receive  them;  we  have  already  mentioned  the 
arrival  of  the  minister  Leverton  and  his  followers  from 
Barbadoes  and  Tobago,  and  many  others  migrated  from 
Barbadoes  to  Providence  at  a later  date.  In  the  space 
of  four  months  in  the  early  part  of  1639,  forty-nine  per- 
sons arrived  from  Barbadoes  and  twenty-seven  from 
St.  Christopher,  besides  stragglers  from  Virginia  and 
Bermuda  on  their  way  to  Claiborne’s  projected  settle- 
ment in  the  Bay  Islands.  Tortuga  had  been  deserted  by 
the  majority  of  its  English  colonists  in  1637,  but  it  did 
not  remain  uninhabited  for  long,  for  many  of  the  old 
planters  who  had  abandoned  it  in  favour  of  a settlement 
upon  the  main  island  of  Hispaniola  soon  returned  and 
were  joined  by  several  Englishmen  from  St.  Christo- 
pher. One  William  Summers®  with  several  companions 
attempted  in  1638  to  found  a settlement  at  the  Great 
Salt  Pan  in  St.  Christopher  on  territory  which  had  up 
to  then  been  occupied  neither  by  Enghsh  nor  French. 

8 Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2395,  fo.  508.  An  account  of  the  early  history  of  St. 
Christopher  by  fourteen  of  the  oldest  planters,  given  to  Gov.  Stapleton  in 
1675  and  forwarded  by  him  along  with  John  Hilton’s  account.  The  covering 
letter  is  to  be  found  in  Col.  Pap.,  xxxiv.  No.  85.  For  migration  of  French 
stragglers  to  Tortuga,  see  Charlevoix,  HI,  7. 


280 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Finding,  however,  that  no  water  was  to  be  had  there 
without  much  labour  and  toil.  Summers  and  his  settlers 
determined  to  leave  St.  Christopher  and  to  settle  in  the 
abandoned  colony  of  Tortuga.  By  the  end  of  1639, 
therefore,  Tortuga  no  longer  lay  deserted  but  was  occu- 
pied by  some  three  hundred  inhabitants,  mainly  English, 
but  with  a large  admixture  of  Frenchmen.  They  had 
gathered  there  from  all  parts  of  the  West  Indies  and 
appointed  as  their  governor  Capt.  Roger  Floud,  who 
had  at  one  time  been  sheriff  of  Providence  Island.  Floud 
failed  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  colonists  and  they 
elected  in  his  stead  one  James,  who  chose  to  call  himself 
“president”  as  a more  fitting  title  than  governor  for  the 
head  of  a self-governing  community.  Remembering  the 
assistance  the  Providence  Company  had  given  to  their 
old  Association  colonists  in  Tortuga,  James  wrote  to 
them  in  1640  to  beg  for  a supply  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, in  return  for  which  he  promised  that  the  colonists 
would  pay  to  the  company  a poll-tax  of  so  much  per 
head.  The  active  members  of  the  company  were  dis- 
posed to  furnish  aid  upon  these  terms  and  in  June,  1640, 
John  Pym  was  given  a free  hand  to  carry  out  all  the 
necessary  arrangements.  This,  however,  he  was  unable 
to  do  before  news  arrived  that  Tortuga  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  French®  and  that  the  English  had  been 
expelled. 

9 Our  authority  concerning  the  French  capture  of  Tortuga  in  1640  is 
derived  from  three  sources,  all  French.  J.  B.  Du  Tertre,  Histoire  des 
Antilles  Francoises,  Paris,  1667,  gives  original  information  derived  from 
Hothman,  the  governor  of  Tortuga  in  1650.  J.  B.  Labat,  Nouveaux  Voyages 
aux  Isles  de  I’Amerique,  Paris,  1722,  copies  Du  Tertre.  P.  F.  X.  Charlevoix, 
Histoire  de  I’Isle  de  St.  Domingue,  Paris,  1730,  bases  his  work  on  original 
sources  of  information  in  the  French  colonial  records,  see  Vol.  II,  p.  7,  etc. 
Esquemeling’s  celebrated  History  of  the  Buccaneers,  where  tested  for  this 
period,  has  proved  worthless.  He  calls  Le  Vasseur  “Le  Passeur,  ” and  dates 
the  capture  of  the  island  by  the  Spaniards  in  1635,  in  one  place  in  1630, 
and  in  another  in  1664  under  D’Ogeron.  The  compilation  had  a tremendous 


TRADE:  LOSS  OF  TORTUGA 


281 


According  to  Charlevoix,  the  historian  of  St.  Domingo, 
there  were  four  sorts  of  inhabitants  in  Tortuga  in  1640, 
Buccaneers  engaged  in  the  chase.  Filibusters  who  roved 
the  sea,  Hahitans  or  planters  who  cultivated  the  soil,  and 
Engages  or  servants,  who  were  supplied  by  merchants 
of  Dieppe  to  the  planters  on  three-year  terms.  A demo- 
cratic government  had  been  established  and  an  English- 
man of  resolution  had  been  chosen  by  both  English  and 
French  as  captain;^®  but  he  seized  the  entire  power  for 
the  English  and  treated  the  French  settlers  with  consid- 
erable injustice.  One  of  them  embarking  secretly  for 
St.  Christopher  there  informed  De  Poincy,  gouverneur 
general  des  Isles  du  Vent,  that  the  English  were  now 
masters  of  Tortuga  to  the  oppression  of  the  French. 
He  begged  assistance  to  seize  the  island  for  France, 
which  might  be  done  without  much  difficulty.  De  Poincy 
had  been  getting  into  considerable  trouble  in  France  for 
nurturing  Huguenots  in  St.  Christopher  and  saw  here 
an  opportunity  of  getting  rid  of  many  of  them  by  sending 
them  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen  in  Tortuga, 
many  of  whom  were  Huguenots.  He  therefore  offered 


vogue  in  Western  Europe  and  seems  to  have  been  got  up  to  sell  by  its 
sensationalism.  Early  buccaneering,  at  any  rate,  was  a good  deal  more 
prosaic  than  Esquemeling  makes  out.  Two  works  have  recently  appeared 
which  deal  critically  with  the  history  of  Tortuga,  C.  H.  Haring,  The 
Buccaneers  of  the  West  Indies  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  London,  1910, 
a work  largely  based  on  Esquemeling,  and  P.  de  Vaissiere,  Saint 
Domingue,  Paris,  1909,  an  excellent  historical  work  dealing  with  the  social 
life  of  the  French  colony  in  the  eighteenth  century  but  incidentally  touching 
upon  the  early  history  of  Tortuga  and  giving  in  full  some  original  letters 
from  De  Poincy  from  the  French  archives. 

10  Charlevoix  calls  this  man  Willis  and  all  subsequent  writers  have  copied 
this  from  him.  Du  Tertre  says  simply : ‘ ‘ Quelques  Anglais  s ’y  etant  remis 
y ayant  attire,  quelques  Fran§ais,  boucaniers,  ils  se  trouverent  jusqu’au 
nombre  de  300,  desquels  un  Anglais  s’etait  fait  le  chef.”  The  Providence 
records  repeatedly  give  the  leader’s  name  as  President  James.  His  real 
name  may  have  been  William  James  for  Charlevoix’s  spelling  of  English 
names  is  very  erratic,  e.g.  Waemaerd  for  Warner. 


282 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


one  Le  Vasseur,  a companion  of  D’Esnambuc  in  the  first 
settlement  of  St.  Christopher,  liberty  of  conscience  to 
himself  and  any  Huguenots  who  would  accompany  him 
if  he  would  lead  the  expedition.  Le  Vasseur,  knowing 
Tortuga  and  its  advantages,  accepted  the  governor’s 
offer  and,  gathering  together  a small  force,  set  sail.  For 
three  months  he  remained  sheltered  in  a small  harbour 
on  the  Hispaniola  coast  some  twenty  miles  from  Tortuga 
and  there  he  drilled  his  small  force  into  something  like 
discipline.  On  the  last  day  of  August,  1640,  hearing  that 
many  of  the  English  rovers  were  absent,  he  suddenly 
entered  the  harbour  of  Tortuga  and  landed  without  oppo- 
sition. He  at  once  summoned  the  English  to  surrender 
and  leave  the  island  within  twenty-four  hours  or  no 
quarter  would  be  given;  they,  staggered  at  the  sudden 
onslaught  and  at  the  defection  of  the  French  colonists 
who  at  once  joined  Le  Vasseur,  gave  way  without  striking 
a blow.  The  flag  of  the  French  king  was  hoisted  over 
the  primitive  fort  and  thenceforward  Tortuga  remained 
in  French  hands.^^  The  conquest  was  more  important  in 
reality  than  it  appeared,  for  from  this  modest  beginning 
sprang  the  greatest  French  colony  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  “Saint  Domingue”  that  was  the  richest  and 
best  cultivated  of  the  West  Indian  islands. 

11  The  Spaniards  again  attacked  Tortuga  in  1643  and  1654  but  were  both 
times  repulsed. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

The  intimate  accord  that  had  subsisted  throughout  the 
early  years  of  Massachusetts’  history  between  the  colo- 
nists and  the  English  Puritan  leaders,  was  first  dis- 
turbed by  the  reply  of  the  colony’s  leaders  to  Saye’s 
propositions  for  government  in  1636.  A slight,  but  grad- 
ually widening,  estrangement  began  to  dmde  the  two 
branches  of  Puritans,  and  aided  by  many  causes  this 
estrangement  had  by  the  end  of  1638  rendered  the  Puri- 
tan leaders  in  England  almost  as  hostile  to  the  ruling 
oligarchy  in  Massachusetts  as  were  King  Charles  and 
Archbishop  Laud.  The  constitutional  development  of 
the  colony  had  been  all  in  the  direction  of  an  intolerant 
theocracy  and  this  growth  in  the  power  and  influence 
of  divines  like  Peters  and  Cotton,  was  profoundly  dis- 
tasteful to  the  thorough  Erastian  English  spirit  of  Saye, 
of  Brooke,  and  of  Pym.  Convinced  Puritans  as  they 
were,  they  were  not  Separatists  in  the  least,  for  though 
they  hated  Laud  bitterly  for  his  narrow  ecclesiasticism, 
they  hated  him  far  more  for  his  innovations  in  the  semi- 
Calvinism  of  that  Elizabethan  Church  of  England  in 
which  they  had  been  brought  up  and  to  which  they  were 
deeply  attached.  The  rule  of  ecclesiastics  has  never 
been  palatable  to  Englishmen,  and  the  harsh  dogmatic 
government  of  the  archbishop  was  not  only  in  itself  a 
mediaeval  anachronism  in  the  seventeenth  century,  but 
was  also  profoundly  foreign  in  temper  to  the  com- 
promise-loving English  country  gentlemen,  who,  whether 
Puritan  or  Arminian,  liked  a parson  well  enough  only 
as  long  as  he  knew  his  place  and  did  not  dictate  to  his 


284 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


betters.  In  Massachusetts  matters  were  entirely  dif- 
ferent; almost  all  those  passing  to  the  colony  in  its 
earlier  years  were  moved  by  religious  fervour  and  looked 
up  to  their  ministers  as  messengers  of  Heaven ; the  rulers 
of  the  colony  were  profoundly  religious  men  in  whom, 
with  the  exception  of  Winthrop,  the  religious  spirit  was 
deeply  tinged  with  fanaticism.  Everything,  therefore, 
tended  to  exalt  the  ministers’  power  in  the  community 
and,  as  always,  clerical  rule  was  wielded  with  a ruthless 
dogmatism  and  a hard  logic  that  were  fatal  to  com- 
promise or  tolerance.  The  attack  on  Gov.  Winthrop ’s 
administration^  in  1636  for  its  lenity  and  remissness 
was  submitted  for  adjudication  to  the  three  principal 
ministers  of  the  colony,  who  practically  forced  him  to 
admit  his  error  and  administered  to  him  a severe  admo- 
nition to  observe  greater  strictness  of  discipline  in  the 
future.  Young  Henry  Vane,  who  succeeded  to  the  gov- 
ernorship in  1636,  found  his  position  untenable  owing 
to  the  bitterness  and  intolerance  of  the  theological  dis- 
putes of  the  ministers  with  the  Antinomians.  So  out  of 
tune  with  the  ruling  oligarchy  did  he  find  himself  that 
at  the  election  of  1637  he  was  excluded  from  the  govern- 
ment and  left  Massachusetts  for  England  in  August  of 
the  same  year. 

Vane’s  report  to  his  friends  in  England  of  his  Ameri- 
can experiences  must  have  done  much  to  add  to  the 
estrangement  already  existing  and  have  aided  in  con- 
vincing the  leaders  that  it  would  be  well  to  divert  future 
emigrants  towards  Providence,  if  possible,  rather  than 
to  allow  them  to  strengthen  further  the  aggressive  com- 
munity in  New  England  that  had  already  diverged  so 
far  from  the  good  old  type  of  English  society.  It  was 
this  aim  of  diversion  that  actuated  Pym  and  his  fellows 

1 Doyle,  Puritan  Colonies,  I,  128 ; Osgood,  The  American  Colonies  in  the 
Seventeenth  Century,  I,  238-246. 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND  285 


in  the  final  reconstruction  of  the  Providence  Company, 
as  is  shown  in  Moundeford’s  letter  to  D’Ewes,^  and 
many  persuasions  were  brought  to  bear  on  ministers  and 
emigrants  proceeding  to  New  England  to  urge  them  to 
change  their  direction  and  sail  to  the  Caribbean.  The 
success  obtained  in  procuring  emigrants  for  Providence 
was  very  small,  but  the  tide  of  emigration  to  New  Eng- 
land began  in  1637  to  slacken,  and  we  may  justly  attribute 
some  part  of  this  slackening  to  the  efforts  of  the  Puritan 
leaders  and  their  friends.  These  efforts  of  course  became 
immediately  known  to  the  rulers  of  Massachusetts  and 
naturally  embittered  their  feelings  against  their  old 
allies.  They  consequently  resolved  as  a set-off  to  accede 
to  the  prayers  of  the  extreme  Puritan  party  in  Provi- 
dence for  assistance  against  their  governor  and  the 
demands  of  the  company.  That  communications  between 
the  colonies  were  frequent  from  1638  onwards,  we  have 
already  seen,  and  that  assistance  against  their  enemies 
was  sought  by  the  Providence  Puritans  we  can  learn 
both  from  the  records  and  from  Winthrop’s  journal.  In 
June,  1639,  the  company  wrote  to  Gov.  Butler  urging  him 
to  take  away  all  occasion  for  breach  with  the  New  Eng- 
land churches  and  expressing  the  hope  that  “they  like- 
wise of  New  England  will  carry  themselves  moderately, 
be  content  with  their  own  freedom  and  leave  others  to 
theirs.  ’ ’ 

The  bitterness  of  the  Massachusetts  rulers  against 
those  who  disparaged  the  colony,  was  the  greater  in 
these  years,  1639-1640,  because  many  causes  in  the  colony 
itself  were  tending  to  discourage  the  settlers  and  per- 
suade them  to  abandon  the  enterprise.  The  falling  off 
of  emigration,  the  long  conflict  over  the  Antinomian 
heresy,  ending  in  the  expulsion  among  scenes  of  hardship 
of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  followers,  the  disputes  over 

2 See  p.  249. 


286 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


boundaries  in  which  Massachusetts  became  involved 
because  of  her  claims  under  her  charter,  the  constant 
dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  the  Indian  tribes, 
Pequots,  Narragansetts,  and  Mohegans,  the  incessant 
strain  of  labour  against  the  hard  New  England  winters, 
the  exhaustion  of  the  supplies  that  had  been  brought 
from  England,  and  the  almost  utter  absence  of  money  to 
procure  more, — all  these  causes  had  produced  in  the 
minds  of  many  of  the  Massachusetts  colonists  feelings 
of  the  deepest  depression  and  a conviction  that  after  all 
they  had  been  deluded  in  fancying  that  God  had  directed 
them  to  New  England  as  the  “promised  land.”®  Those 
who  gave  way  to  these  counsels  of  despair  found  a rally- 
ing point  in  the  person  of  one  of  the  earliest  leaders  of 
the  Massachusetts  enterprise,  John  Humphry.  We  have 
already  said  something  of  Humphry’s  earlier  career; 
in  the  colony  he  had  always  stood  to  a certain  extent 
aloof  from  the  rest  of  the  ruling  group,  and  Cotton  in 
his  reply  to  Lord  Saye’s  proposals  of  1636  tells  us^  that 
Humphry  was  the  only  freeman  of  the  colony  who  was 
not  a member  of  a church.  This  lack  of  church  member- 
ship, Cotton  puts  down  to  the  unsettledness  of  the  place 
where  Humphry  lived  at  Saugus,  but  the  excuse  seems 
very  weak  when  we  realize  that  Saugus  lies  only  a very 
few  miles  from  either  Boston  or  Salem.  Humphry  had 
reached  Massachusetts  with  higher  hopes  and  far  more 
resources  than  most  of  his  fellows,  but  he  had  failed  in 
his  struggle  with  the  conditions  of  New  England,  and 
had  sunk  lower  and  lower  in  estate  until  he  was  com- 
pelled in  1638  to  beg  from  the  Court  of  Assistants 
pecuniary  help  to  tide  him  over  his  difficulties.  His  first 
application  was  favourably  received,  but  on  a second 

3 Cf . Strong,  ‘ ‘ A Forgotten  Danger  to  the  New  England  Colonies,  ’ ’ 
Report,  American  Historical  Association,  1898,  79-81. 

* Hutchinson,  Hist,  of  Mass.  Bay,  I,  498. 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND  287 


appeal  the  court  refused  to  do  anything,  prohahly  at  the 
motion  of  Endecott.  There  was  some  ill  will  between 
the  two  men,  for  later  we  find  Humphry  bringing  certain 
charges  against  Endecott  at  Salem  and  being  compelled 
to  withdraw  them.® 

It  had  been  suggested  in  the  colony  that  in  view  of  the 
slackening  of  emigration  it  would  be  well  to  employ  an 
agent  in  England  to  secure  men  or  money,  or  both,  and 
for  this  service  the  employment  of  Humphry  had  been 
suggested,  but  against  the  whole  plan  Endecott  pro- 
tested most  strongly  to  Gov.  Winthrop.  He  wrote  late  in 
1639:®  “For  the  project  for  an  agent  or  agents  to  be 
employed  by  the  country  or  council  to  procure  men  or 
money  or  both  for  us  from  England,  we  (submitting  to 
better  judgments)  think  it  may  prove  more  hurtful  than 
helpful  to  us  in  divers  ways.  For  first  it  will  confirm 
my  Lord  Say  and  others  of  his  judgment  that  New  Eng- 
land can  no  longer  subsist  without  the  help  of  Old 
England,  especially  they  being  already  informed  of  the 
forwardness  of  divers  amongst  us  to  remove  to  the  West 
Indies  because  they  cannot  here  maintain  their  fami- 
lies. . . . Touching  the  persons,  some  of  them,  who  are 
thought  to  be  most  fit  to  be  employed  in  this  design,  I 
do  think  [them]  most  unfit.  In  general  take  notice  that 
they  are  men  well  affected  to  the  West  Indies.” 

The  idea  of  migration  to  the  Caribbean  was  making 
so  great  a headway  among  the  Massachusetts  colonists 
at  this  time  as  to  cause  the  greatest  uneasiness  among 
their  leaders,  who  put  down  the  whole  cause  of  the 
unrest  to  Lord  Saye  and  the  rest  of  the  Providence 
Company.^  So  strong  were  the  expressions  of  feeling 

5 Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VII,  145 ; see  also,  VII,  96. 

6 Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Coll.,  4th  series,  VT,  138. 

7 This  projected  migration  has  been  dealt  with  by  Strong  in  the  article 
already  noted. 


288 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


among  the  members  of  the  Court  of  Assistants  on  the 
subject  of  these  disparagements  that  in  March,  1640, 
Gov.  Winthrop  wrote  personally  to  Lord  Saye  a strong 
letter  of  protest.®  The  letter  itself  is  not  extant,  but  it 
drew  forth  a lengthy  reply  from  Saye,  which  has  been 
preserved  for  us  among  the  Winthrop  Papers.®  Saye 
begins  his  letter  by  reproving  Winthrop  for  taking  God’s 
name  in  vain.  He  says:  “I  received  a letter  from  you 
dated  the  20th  of  March  wherein  upon  hearsay  you  fall 
into  a reproof  of  me  backed  with  intimations  that  I may 
expect  and  fear  judgments,  as  the  ten  princes  of  Israel 
found,  for  bringing  up  an  ill-report  upon  your  land  and 
diverting  men’s  intentions  from  coming  to  you,  as  they 
did  the  Israelites  from  going  into  the  land  of  Canaan. 
. . . For  the  matter  itself,  the  substance  of  what  you 
charge  me  with,  is  that  my  authority  (which  you  advance 
as  very  effectual)  hath  diverted  many  from  coming  to 
you  and  cast  their  atfections  another  way.  . . . Why 
should  you  or  any  other  man  be  grieved  that  men  follow 
their  own  judgments  in  transporting  themselves  when 
it  is  free  for  them  so  to  do,  . . . why  am  I so  sharply 
dealt  withal  for  speaking  that  which  is  a truth  in  my 
judgment  to  any  that  shall  advise  with  me?  But  you 
will  say  I disparage  that  plantation  to  advance  another : 
it  is  meet  for  him  that  will  judge,  to  hear  both  sides  first 
and  to  be  sure  of  his  grounds : if  you  knew  how  falsely 
and  basely  that  other  plantation  of  Providence  hath  been 
disparaged  by  those  affected  to  yours  for  the  end  for 

8 Winthrop ’s  Journal,  I,  335. 

9 Lord  Saye  and  Sele  to  John  Winthrop,  9 July,  1640.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  5th  series,  I,  297,  and  Life  of  Winthrop,  II,  248,  and  App.  VIII,  p.  422. 
Saye  wrote  his  letter  among  the  most  pressing  distractions,  for  he  and  the 
other  Puritan  leaders  were  at  the  time  deep  in  secret  negotiations  with  the 
Scots,  carried  on  through  Henry  Harley.  The  celebrated  letter  from  the 
associated  peers  to  the  Convenanters  is  dated  July  8,  see  Gardiner’s  Fall 
of  Monarchy,  I,  402. 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND  289 


which  you  suspect  I had  done  the  like  to  you,  then  you 
would  better  know  where  to  place  and  apply  your 
reproof.  For  my  part,  my  prayers  have  been  and  shall 
be  for  the  good  and  advancement  of  those  faithful  people 
and  pure  churches  I know  to  be  there;  and  to  that  very 
end  have  I,  according  to  my  judgment,  persuaded  men 
to  think  of  a more  southerly  part  of  that  continent  where 
they  might  find  a commodious  place  for  such  a body  as 
they  already  are,  and  are  likely  to  grow  into  quickly  by 
accession  of  those  who  would  there  come  unto  them,  or 
they  would  be  able  to  bring  unto  them  if  poor,  by  the 
ability  that  such  places  would  afford  them.”  Saye 
evidently  here  alludes  to  Pym’s  project  for  the  great 
mainland  colony  at  Cape  Gracias  a Dios  that  had  so 
gripped  the  imaginations  of  all  the  Providence  leaders. 
That  his  aims  were  not  centred  on  Providence  alone, 
we  can  see  from  his  follo^ving  sentence  which,  approxi- 
mating closely  to  the  unpalatable  truth,  greatly  roused 
Winthrop’s  ire.  “Now  [the  Massachusetts  colonists] 
are  so  placed  that  rich  men  grow  poor,  and  poor  men, 
if  they  come  over,  are  a burden,  the  rich  only  maintain- 
ing the  market  for  a time  until  that  be  spent  which  they 
bring  out  of  England,  which  land  flood  will  have  an 
end.  ...  In  a place  where  staple  commodities  already 
are,  and  the  soil  and  climate  known  to  be  fit  to  produce 
the  richest  and  thereby  to  carry  on  so  great  a work  as 
the  framing  of  a commonwealth  and  the  settling  thereof 
for  posterity,  there  will  be  no  place  for  this  [impoverish- 
ment] and  by  this,  I hope  also,  I shall  not  be  thought  to 
have  a little  island  and  the  advancement  thereof  only  in 
my  contemplation  in  all  this  proposition.  ’ ’ 

Saye  went  on  to  suggest  that  God  had  appointed 
Massachusetts  only  for  a temporary  abiding  place  and 
did  not  mean  His  people  to  settle  there  forever,  but  into 
these  arguments  and  his  reiteration  of  the  objections  to 


290 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  system  of  government  of  the  colony  as  set  forth  by 
Cotton,  we  need  not  follow  him,  for  in  his  prediction  of 
a prosperous  future  for  the  colony  on  the  Main,  he  had 
laid  himself  open  defenceless  to  Winthrop’s  retort.  The 
full  text  of  this  does  not  appear  to  have  been  preserved, 
but  upon  the  back  of  Saye’s  letter  Winthrop  jotted  down 
a few  heads  for  his  answer  and  its  general  purport  may 
be  conjectured  with  fair  probability.^®  He  would  protest 
against  the  lords  taking  Humphry  and  other  broken  men 
as  reliable  guides  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Massa- 
chusetts, for  they  had  already  run  through  their  estates 
by  bad  management  and  had  everything  to  hope  for  from 
a new  start.  Gurdon  and  Barley  could  bear  witness  to 
Humphry’s  poor  financial  position.  It  was  notorious  that 
the  Providence  planters  were  terribly  discontented  with 
their  position  and  prospects,  not  only  from  a material 
point  of  view,  but  also  from  that  of  religion ; Gov.  Butler 
was  quite  alien  in  sympathy  to  earnest  Puritans  and  the 
constant  struggles  between  the  minister  and  the  governor 
were  well  known  in  New  England.  It  was  all  very  well 
for  Lord  Saye  to  talk  of  the  staple  commodities  of  the 
Main  and  their  richness,  but  it  would  be  difficult  for  him 
to  point  out  one  whereby  the  planters  might  make  a 
decent  livelihood.  If  the  West  Indies  offered  so  fine  a 
field  for  colonisation  and  for  the  investment  of  capital, 
why  was  it  that  the  lords  of  Providence  themselves  had 
already  sunk  almost  £120,000  without  any  material 
return? — a final  question  that  with  its  bit  of  pardonable 
exaggeration  must  have  been  a hard  nut  for  Saye  and 
his  friends  to  crack. 

10  The  complete  endorsement  is  as  follows:  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll., 

5th  series,  I,  303),  “To  my  Lo:  Brooke  that  their  estates  were  gone  already. 
Ask  Mr.  Gurdon,  Dr.  Darley,  etc.,  what  is  borne  of  them.  Mr.  [illegible]. 
What  content  those  have  who  be  there.  What  Governor  they  [illeg.]  with 
[illeg.]  . What  staple  commodities  for  livelihood.  What  is  become  of  their 
£120,000?” 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND  291 


Every  effort  was  made  by  the  governor  and  the  ruling 
powers  in  Massachusetts  to  dissuade  those  colonists  who 
thought  of  abandoning  New  England,  and  we  can  per- 
ceive the  line  which  their  arguments  took  in  Winthrop’s 
own  words  in  his  journal “Many  men  began  to  enquire 
after  the  southern  parts,  and  the  great  advantages  sup- 
posed to  be  had  in  Virginia,  the  West  Indies,  etc.,  made 
this  country  to  be  disesteemed  of  many,  and  yet  those 
countries  (for  all  their  great  wealth)  have  sent  hither 
both  this  year  [1640]  and  formerly  for  supply  of  clothes 
and  other  necessaries,  and  some  families  have  forsaken 
both  Providence  and  other  [of]  the  Caribbee  Islands 
and  Virginia  to  come  live  here.  And  though  our  people 
saw  what  meagre,  unhealthful  countenances  they  brought 
hither,  and  how  fat  and  well-liking  they  became  soon, 
yet  they  were  so  taken  with  the  ease  and  plenty  of  those 
countries  as  many  of  them  sold  their  estates  here  to 
transport  themselves  to  Providence.  . . . Some  consid- 
erations were  proposed  to  them  by  the  Court,  which 
diverted  some  of  them  and  made  others  to  pause  upon 
three  points  especially: 

1.  How  dangerous  it  was  to  bring  up  an  ill-report 
upon  this  good  land,  which  God  had  found  out  and  given 
to  His  people  and  so  to  discourage  the  hearts  of  their 
brethren,  etc. 

2.  To  leave  a place  of  rest  and  safety  to  expose 
themselves,  their  wives  and  children,  to  the  anger  of  a 
potent  enemy,  the  Spaniard. 

3.  Their  subjection  to  such  governors  as  those  in 
England  shall  set  over  them,  etc.  Notwithstanding  these 
considerations  divers  of  them  persisted  in  their  resolu- 
tions and  set  about  to  get  some  ship  or  bark  to  transport 
them.  ’ ’ 


11  Winthrop ’s  Journal,  I,  333. 


292  - 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


So  firmly  had  some  of  the  colonists  set  their  minds 
upon  abandoning  Massachusetts,  that  two  of  them, 
Elijah  Goose  and  Emmanuel  Truebody,  surreptitiously 
sailed  for  England  to  lay  their  views  before  the  Provi- 
dence Company  and  to  arrange  with  them  for  the  migra- 
tion of  a large  number  of  New  Englanders  to  the 
mainland  of  Cape  Gracias  a Dios,  there  to  join  in  the 
building  up  of  Pym’s  great  English  colony.  The  Provi- 
dence leaders  were  only  too  pleased  to  receive  an  acces- 
sion of  settlers  to  their  plantations,  especially  seeing 
that  the  new  emigrants  were  strong  Puritans  who  dis- 
liked the  aggressively  theocratic  temper  of  Massa- 
chusetts’ rulers.  The  reports  of  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Providence  brought  by  Sherrard  and  Halhead  and 
the  other  prisoners  sent  home  by  Capt.  Carter,  showed 
the  company  what  a mistake  they  had  made  in  appointing 
to  the  governorship  a man  like  Capt.  Butler ; they 
resolved,  therefore,  to  appoint  as  governor  John 
Humphry,  the  leader  of  the  new  colonists,  and  to  give 
him  the  fullest  power  over  all  their  West  Indian  pos- 
sessions, thus  endeavouring  to  secure  success  by  a return 
to  the  regime  of  a strongly  Puritan  governor  and  council. 

Though  Humphry  found  comparatively  little  diffi- 
culty in  negotiating  with  the  Providence  Company,  his 
arrangements  with  those  desiring  to  leave  New  England 
proved  a great  deal  harder  to  make.  From  a letter 
written  by  him  to  Lord  Mandeville,  that  is  still  extant 
among  the  Manchester  Papers,^^  we  learn  that  he  had 
persuaded  between  two  and  three  hundred  persons  to 
leave  Massachusetts  with  him.  Although  certain  Provi- 
dence planters  had  come  to  New  England  to  paint  the 
beauties  and  richness  of  Central  America  to  recruits, 
neither  they  nor  Humphry  could  prove  to  the  emigrants 
that  Cape  Gracias  a Dios  was  the  best  site  for  their  new 


12  No.  424. 


THE  COMPANY  AND  NEW  ENGLAND  293 


colony.  Most  of  them  had  fixed  their  minds  upon  Florida 
for  their  home,  and  it  was  only  when  Humphry  was  able 
to  promise  them  free  transportation  on  two  ships  hired 
by  Emmanuel  Truebody  at  the  Providence  Company’s 
expense,  and  to  assure  them  of  assistance  in  disposing 
of  their  surplus  property  in  New  England,  that  he  suc- 
ceeded finally  in  fixing  their  goal.  Every  possible 
obstacle  was  placed  in  their  way  by  the  Massachusetts 
rulers,  and  Fate  herself  proved  unkind.  We  learn  from 
Winthrop’s  journal  that:  “Mr.  Humphry,  who  was  now 
for  Providence  with  his  company,  [and  had]  raised  an 
ill-report  of  this  country,  was  here  kept  in  spite  of  all 
their  endeavours  and  means  to  have  been  gone  this  winter 
[1640],  and  his  corn  and  hay  to  the  value  of  £160  were 
burnt  by  his  own  servants,  who  made  a fire  in  his  barn, 
and  by  gunpowder,  which  accidentally  took  fire,  consumed 
all.”  However,  at  length,  in  May,  1641,  the  first  party 
of  emigrants,  thirty  men,  five  women,  and  eight  children, 
left  Boston  for  Providence  in  two  small  vessels  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  William  Peirce,  being  followed 
by  Humphry  with  the  main  party  in  July. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE  BY  SPAIN 


The  negotiations  between  the  Providence  Company  and 
Truebody  and  Humphry  had  been  conducted,  not  by  Pym, 
but  by  Lord  Mandeville,  with  the  help  and  concurrence 
of  Saye.  Pym,  who  bad  been  the  moving  spirit  in  the 
company  for  so  long,  bad  since  the  opening  of  the  Short 
Parbament  become  so  immersed  in  the  direction  of  the 
struggle  against  absolutism  that  be  could  no  longer  spare 
time  to  carry  forward  bis  colonial  schemes.  Battle  bad 
at  last  been  joined  between  two  worthy  foemen,  the 
aristocrat,  Strafford,  fresh  from  the  triumphs  of  bis 
“Thorough”  policy  in  Ireland,  and  the  old  parliament 
man,  once  more  treading  bis  famibar  ground  and 
determined  to  stake  bis  life  and  all.  With  the  closing 
of  the  Short  Parbament  all  hopes  of  compromise  between 
them  were  at  an  end,  and  Pym’s  energies  throughout  the 
summer  and  autumn  months  of  1640  were  devoted  to  the 
organisation  of  the  brst  electoral  campaign  that  England 
had  ever  seen.  His  journeys  from  end  to  end  of  the 
country,  his  constant  immersion  in  a tortuous  web  of 
intrigue  that  at  any  moment  might  lead  him  to  the  block, 
rendered  all  thoughts  of  Providence  impossible  and  it 
was  left  to  other  hands  to  carry  on  the  work.  Warwick 
was  devoting  a great  share  of  his  attention  to  other  West 
Indian  schemes,  and  both  he  and  Saye  were  in  constant 
parley  with  the  Scots,  but  Mandeville  was  still  com- 
paratively free  and  the  Providence  work  fell  to  his 
sliare. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


295 


While  the  inevitable  march  of  events  towards  an  open 
struggle  between  king  and  people  demanded  the  entire 
concentration  of  Pym’s  efforts,  and  thus  deprived  the 
Providence  Company  of  his  guidance  at  a critical 
moment,  the  fate  that  they  had  so  long  courted  was 
hastening  to  overwhelm  the  Providence  colonists.  Their 
depredations  upon  Spanish  towns  and  shipping,  culmi- 
nating in  Butler’s  ransom  of  Truxillo,  had  at  last  reached 
such  a pitch  of  audacity  as  to  goad  the  Spanish  authori- 
ties to  the  determination  that  Santa  Catalina  must  be 
cleared  of  its  pirate  inhabitants  at  whatever  cost.  The 
failure  of  the  attack  of  1635  had  been  so  great  a dis- 
appointment as  to  demand  the  serious  attention  of  the 
government  at  Madrid,  in  spite  of  its  many  preoccupa- 
tions with  the  European  situation.  Special  orders  were 
issued  to  the  Council  of  War,  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
and  the  Council  of  State  to  deliberate  together  and  to 
determine  on  some  means  of  redeeming  the  failure.  The 
conclusions  arrived  at  were  recorded  on  December  11, 
1636,^  and  though  it  was  long  before  they  were  acted 
upon,  they  were  the  authority  on  which  future  action 
was  taken,  and  therefore  concern  us.  Two  of  the  con- 
clusions, voiced  by  the  Duke  d ’Albuquerque  and  the 
Duke  de  Villahermosa,  did  little  to  help  on  matters,  but 
the  third,  voiced  by  the  Count  del  Castrillo,  was  more 
practical.  The  best  moment  for  the  expulsion  of  the 
pirates  had  passed  since  they  had  not  taken  advantage 
of  the  great  military  preparations  to  clear  the  Indies, 
when  the  Dutch  were  attacked  at  the  battle  of  Curasao. 
Funds  were  lacking  for  further  preparations  directed 
from  Spain,  so  that  it  appeared  to  be  the  best  course  to 
give  the  governors  of  Cartagena,  Panama,  and  Porto 
Bello  a free  hand  to  try  and  dislodge  the  English  pirates 
with  the  means  at  their  disposal  and  when  there  seemed 

1 Brit.  Mus.,  Venezuela  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  36323,  £o.  297. 


296 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


a likely  probability  of  success.  If  the  English  were  dis- 
lodged from  Santa  Catalina  they  would  move  on  to  some 
other  undefended  island,  as  they  had  done  in  past  years, 
and  would  return  to  their  original  fastness  when  the 
danger  was  past.  The  only  way  of  preserving  Spanish 
rights  intact  was  to  maintain  a great  fleet  in  the  Carib- 
bean, ready  for  instant  employment  wherever  required. 

In  these  last  words  the  whole  root  of  the  matter  is 
expressed;  it  was  impossible  for  the  governors  of  the 
Indies  to  do  anything  effectual  to  clear  out  the  foreigners, 
who  had  settled  down  on  the  Antilles  like  a plague  of 
locusts,  and  who  were  swept  from  one  place  only  to 
appear  in  another.  Nothing  but  a great  and  powerful 
fleet,  permanently  stationed  in  the  Indies  and  with  some 
of  its  vessels  constantly  at  sea,  could  effect  the  colossal 
task,  but  this  fleet  it  was  impossible  for  the  impoverished 
Spanish  government  to  supply.  It  has  been  the  fashion 
among  some  writers  to  deride  the  Spanish  colonial  gov- 
ernment and  to  accuse  its  officials  of  slothful  ineptitude 
for  their  incapacity  to  maintain  intact  the  inflated  pre- 
tensions of  the  monarchy  of  Philip  II,  but  nothing  can 
in  reality  be  more  unjust.  To  guard  the  whole  of  a 
hemisphere  would  be  too  gigantic  a task  for  any  nation, 
and  it  is  rather  a tribute  to  the  Spanish  genius  that  the 
Castilian  monarchy  was  able  to  maintain  its  American 
empire  in  the  main  untouched,  than  an  occasion  for 
derision  that  some  of  the  smaller  unoccupied  islands  on 
the  edge  of  the  Caribbean  should  have  been  lost  to  the 
foreigners. 

The  whole  of  the  years  1637-1638  were  occupied  in 
Spain  in  the  preparation  of  a great  fleet  for  the  supreme 
effort  to  recapture  Brazil  from  the  Dutch,  and  every 
Spanish  or  Portuguese  vessel  that  could  be  spared  was 
pressed  into  the  ser'sdce,  special  care  being  taken  that 
ships,  men,  and  stores  should  all  be  of  the  highest  quality. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


297 


The  fleet  sailed  from  Lisbon  in  October,  1638,-  and 
further  reinforcements  were  despatched  in  January, 
1639;  but  the  Spanish  government  dared  not  weaken 
further  their  own  coasts,  owing  to  the  constant  fear  of 
French  attacks  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances it  was  evident  that  nothing  could  be  done 
towards  the  establishment  of  the  required  fleet  in  the 
Caribbean,  and  orders  were  therefore  despatched  to  the 
governors  of  San  Domingo  and  Cartagena  to  do  the  best 
they  could  against  Santa  Catalina  with  the  means  at 
their  command.  Nothing  could  be  attempted  till  the 
summer  of  1640,®  when  Don  Melchior  Aguilar,  governor 
and  captain  general  of  the  province  of  Cartagena,  profit- 
ing by  the  arrival  in  that  port  of  some  reinforcements 
from  Brazil,  despatched  Don  Antonio  Maldonado  y 
Tejada,  his  sergeant-major,  with  eight  hundred  soldiers 
from  the  garrison  and  two  hundred  negroes  from  the 
local  militia  on  board  six  frigates  and  a galleon  of  the 
armada.  The  expedition  left  Cartagena  in  May,  1640, 

2 State  Papers,  Foreign,  Spain,  Bundle  XL,  No.  150,  Hopton  to  Coke. 
Also  Hopton  to  Coke,  23  Jan.,  1639,  and  other  letters  of  about  the  same  date. 

3 The  information  on  the  Spanish  side  concerning  the  attacks  on  Provi- 
dence can  be  derived  from  three  sources: 

1.  Alcedo  y Herrera,  Piraterias  y agressiones  en  la  America  Espariola, 
edited  by  P.  Zaragoza.  Madrid,  1883.  A very  scrappy  compilation  from 
the  eighteenth  century  works  of  A.  de  Alcedo  and  from  Herrera’s  Decadas, 

2.  Cesareo  Fernandez  y Duro,  Armada  Espariola,  9 vols.,  Madrid,  1898. 
See  tom.  IV,  339.  The  most  recent  history  of  the  Spanish  navy. 

3.  Jose  Wangumert  y Poggio,  El  Almirante  Don  Francisco  Dias 
Pimienta  y su  Epoca.  Madrid,  1905.  An  enthusiastic  appreciation  of 
the  admiral  based  upon,  and  giving  long  quotations  from,  the  original 
sources.  For  the  capture  of  Providence  these  are; 

a.  “Carta  e informacion  enviada  por  D.  Juan  Bitrian  de  Briamonte, 
29  de  Junio  de  1640.”  Coleccion  Navarrete,  tomo  xxv. 

b.  Memorial  originally  in  the  Chapel  of  the  Pimienta  family  at  Palma 
in  the  Canaries  and  now  in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis  de  Guisla  y 
Ghiuselin. 

c.  A relation  of  the  battle  of  Sa.  Catalina,  printed  at  Madrid  in 
1642  by  Juan  Sanchez  and  at  Seville  by  Francisco  Lyra. 


298 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


and  reaching  Providence  on  Thursday,  May  28,  spent 
some  time  in  attempting  to  find  a passage  through  the 
shoals  that  form  a barrier  round  the  island/  Failing 
in  this,  attempts  were  made  to  reach  the  shore  in  shallops, 
and  on  May  30  the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  landing  a 
large  party  of  their  best  soldiers.  Again  and  again  were 
the  island  forts  assaulted,  but  all  attempts  were  unsuc- 
cessful and  the  attacking  party  was  defeated  in  a pitched 
battle  with  great  loss.  Very  few  of  the  Spaniards  suc- 
ceeded in  escaping  to  their  ships,  and  finally  on  June  1, 
a gale  springing  up,  the  galleon  and  her  consorts,  which 
could  find  no  safe  anchorage,  had  to  abandon  the  attack 
and  return  to  Cartagena,  having  lost,  either  slain  or 
taken  prisoners,  more  than  a hundred  men  and  two 
captains.  The  rejoicings  in  Providence  at  the  repulse 
of  the  attack  were  naturally  great,  and  Thursday,  June 
11,  was  set  apart  as  a day  of  thanksgiving  for  the  great 
deliverance,  but  Gov.  Carter  marred  his  victory  by  put- 
ting to  death  the  Spanish  prisoners  he  had  taken,  though 
their  lives  had  been  promised  them.  It  was  the  protest 
of  Sherrard,  Leverton,  Halhead,  and  Lane  against  this 
cruelty  that  caused  the  governor’s  final  excess  of  tyr- 
anny, which  culminated  in  their  despatch  to  England  as 
prisoners  in  irons. 

Maldonado  returned  to  announce  his  discomfiture  at 
Cartagena  just  as  the  armada  for  the  silver  had  arrived 
from  Spain  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Don  Fran- 
cisco Diaz  de  Pimienta.  Pimienta  was  a man  of  great 
energy  of  character,  who  has  earned  for  himself  a con- 
siderable name  in  Spanish  naval  annals;  leaving  his 
vessels  for  their  usual  lengthy  stay  at  Cartagena,  he  set 

* A very  full  account  of  the  attack  and  its  repulse  was  sent  home  to  the 
company  in  a sixteen-page  letter  signed  by  Henry  Halhead,  Richard  Lane, 
Hope  Sherrard,  and  Nicholas  Leverton.  It  has  been  preserved  among  the 
Finch  MSS.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  51-58,  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Seventeenth,  Beport. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


299 


out  in  a swift  barque  for  Spain  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs 
before  the  king  and  to  demand  permission  to  retrieve 
the  dishonour  to  the  Spanish  arms.  The  permission  thus 
demanded  in  person  by  a captain  of  Pimienta’s  merit 
could  not  be  refused,  and  he  was  ordered  to  return 
immediately  to  the  Indies  and  to  dislodge  the  corsairs 
of  Santa  Catalina  in  the  time  that  would  elapse  before 
the  galleons  had  to  commence  their  return  to  Spain  with 
their  precious  freight.  Pimienta  lost  no  time  and  before 
the  end  of  1640  he  was  back  in  Cartagena,  careening  his 
ships,  disciplining  his  infantry,  and  preparing  his  plans 
for  the  coming  attack.  It  was  evident  to  him  that  his 
task  would  be  no  easy  one,  for  he  was  able  to  gather 
full  information  as  to  the  strength  of  Providence  from 
the  Spaniards  who  had  been  permitted  to  land  there  from 
time  to  time.  Fugitives  from  Spanish  justice  could  find 
their  most  secure  harbourage  among  the  corsairs  to  whom 
their  information  as  to  local  conditions  was  of  much 
value,  but  they  were  always  ready  to  make  their  peace 
with  their  own  government,  if  they  could  do  so  at  the 
price  of  their  knowledge  of  the  corsairs’  retreats.  One 
of  the  colonists  ’ greatest  complaints  against  Gov.  Butler 
was  that  he  so  often  permitted  Spanish  pilots  to  come 
ashore  in  Providence  and  thus  allowed  them  to  glean 
full  information  as  to  the  defences  of  the  island.  From 
spies  of  this  sort  Pimienta  learned  that  Providence  was 
armed  with  fifty-six  great  pieces  of  artillery  and  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight  smaller  pieces  disposed  in 
fourteen  forts  and  entrenched  defences ; there  were 
about  six  hundred  men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Feel- 
ing in  Cartagena  was  excited  in  the  highest  degree  on 
learning  of  the  treacherous  slaughter  of  the  prisoners 
taken  from  Maldonado,  and  of  the  presence  in  Santa 
Catafina  in  strict  confinement  of  several  friars,  who  had 
been  captured  while  proceeding  in  frigates  on  missionary 


300 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


journeys  along  the  coast.  For  three  months  Pimienta 
diligently  made  his  preparations  and  his  biographer 
waxes  eloquent  over  the  earnest  religious  and  crusading 
spirit  in  which  these  preparations  were  undertaken,  his 
hatred  against  the  natural  enemies  of  his  nation,  and 
the  care  with  which  he  had  enquired  into  the  hydro- 
graphic  conditions  of  the  island  and  with  which  he  had 
organised  his  supplies.  On  the  6th  of  May,  1641,  the 
expedition  sailed  from  Cartagena,  numbering  in  all  two 
thousand  men.  The  admiral  was  embarked  in  the  galleon 
San  Juan  of  four  hundred  tons,  because  she  drew  little 
water;  his  second  in  command,  Don  Jeronimo  de  Ojeda, 
sailed  in  the  Urea  Sanson  of  nine  hundred  tons,  and 
accompanying  them  were  the  Jesus  Maria  de  Castilla 
(four  hundred  tons),  the  Santa  Anna  (three  hundred 
and  fifty  tons),  the  Urea  de  S.  M.  San  Mareos  (four 
hundred  tons),  the  Convoy  (three  hundred  tons),  the 
Teatina  (three  hundred  tons),  the  Jesus  Maria  de  Ajuda 
(two  hundred  and  thirty  tons),  the  San  Pedro,  and  three 
pataches  of  from  seventy  to  eighty  tons  apiece.  On  the 
17th  of  May,  the  armada  first  saw  Santa  Catalina,  but 
it  was  not  till  two  days  later  that  attempts  were  made 
to  penetrate  the  surrounding  reefs.  After  sounding  a 
passage  in  shallops,  the  vessels  cast  anchor  within  the 
outermost  fringe  of  reefs  at  nine  o ’clock  on  the  morning 
of  Whitsunday.  The  Urea  Sanson  galleon,  however, 
found  that  her  draught  was  too  great  to  enter  even  the 
outermost  channel  and  she  was  therefore  sent  back  to 
Cartagena.  Pimienta  was  not  content  to  entrust  the 
reconnoitring  of  the  island  to  a subordinate  and  set  out 
himself  with  his  most  experienced  captains  in  a felucca 
to  try  whether  with  the  aid  of  a Moorish  corsair,  who 
had  visited  the  island  in  a French  vessel,  it  was  possible 
to  find  a way  into  the  harbour.  The  Moor  proved  a use- 
less guide,  but  a Spaniard,  who  had  long  acted  as  pilot 


CAPTUEE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


301 


to  the  Providence  ships  and  had  lately  fled  from  them 
to  Jamaica,  was  sent  to  the  admiralty  by  the  governor 
of  that  island,  and  under  his  guidance  Pimienta  and  the 
Conde  de  Castimellor  with  a force  of  some  six  hundred 
soldiers  in  nineteen  lighters  finally  succeeded  in  effect- 
ing a landing  on  the  24th. 

The  spot  chosen  for  the  landing  lay  in  the  southeast  of 
the  island  and  was  guarded  only  by  earthworks.  Fierce 
fighting  took  place  round  these  works,  but  the  English 
defenders  were  finally  dislodged  and  took  refuge  in  the 
hills.  Neglecting  to  pursue  them,  Pimienta  marched 
across  the  island  to  New  Westminster  and  laid  siege  to 
the  governor’s  house  and  the  church,  which  were  held 
by  a few  musketeers.  These  were  unable  to  hold  out 
for  long  against  the  overwhelming  odds,  and  amid  great 
rejoicings  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards,  their  defenders 
were  forced  to  surrender  and  the  Dominican  friars,  who 
had  been  held  captive  in  the  island  for  three  years,  were 
set  free.  The  remaining  Englishmen  with  most  of  the 
women  and  children  had  taken  refuge  in  the  citadel-like 
peninsula  that  juts  out  from  the  northern  part  of  the 
island,  but  in  face  of  the  great  numbers  arrayed  against 
them,  they  willingly  agreed  to  lay  down  their  arms  when 
Pimienta  sent  one  of  the  liberated  friars  to  them  under 
a flag  of  truce  to  promise  them  their  lives.  Gov.  Carter, 
Sergeant  Major  Hunt,  and  others  of  the  principal  Eng- 
lish officers  came  in  person  to  thank  the  admiral  for  his 
clemency  and  to  deliver  up  possession  of  the  remaining 
forts  of  the  garrison. 

On  the  26th  of  May,  solemn  high  mass  was  celebrated 
and  a festal  Te  Deum  was  sung  in  the  town  square  of 
New  Westminster  as  a thanksgiving  for  victory  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  force  and  of  the 
four  hundred  captured  heretics.  Some  of  the  English, 
who  had  fled  to  the  woods  at  the  first  Spanish  landing. 


302 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


had  managed  to  make  their  escape  in  shallops  to  Hen- 
rietta and  the  Main,  but  almost  all  the  principal  colonists 
had  been  captured,  and  these  were  sent  prisoners  on 
board  the  fleet  to  be  carried  to  Cartagena  and  thence  to 
captivity  in  Spain,  The  women  and  children  were  per- 
mitted to  take  away  a few  of  their  personal  belongings, 
and  were  placed  on  board  an  English  ship  and  despatched 
to  England.  Nearly  six  hundred  negroes  and  a great 
booty  of  gold,  indigo,  and  cochineal,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  captors  and  the  total  worth  of  the  prize  was  esti- 
mated at  over  half  a million  ducats.  No  attempt  had 
been  made  to  bring  the  ships  into  the  harbour  in  view 
of  the  narrowness  of  the  passage  and  of  the  disaster  to 
the  Jesus  Maria  de  Ajuda,  which,  in  attempting  to  find 
a safe  anchorage,  struck  upon  a sunken  rock  and  was 
lost.  The  island  was  left  under  the  command  of  Don 
Jeronimo  de  Ojeda  with  thirty-two  pieces  of  artillery, 
many  gunners,  and  some  infantry,  and  the  armada  set 
sail  for  Cartagena,  which  was  reached  on  the  6th  of 
June,  amid  great  rejoicings.  The  galleons  of  the  plate 
fleet  with  Pimienta  in  command  left  Porto  Bello  on  the 
9th  of  July  and  reached  Cadiz  on  the  7th  of  October 
with  the  English  prisoners  on  board.  The  news  of  the 
capture  soon  got  abroad  in  Spain  and  was  received  with 
the  greatest  satisfaction,  but  no  official  notice  of  the 
details  of  the  fight  was  issued  till  the  early  part  of  1642, 
when,  in  reward  for  his  exploit,  the  king  conferred  upon 
Pimienta  the  habit  of  the  Military  Order  of  the  Knights 
of  Santiago.  A full  account  of  the  battle  was  published 
in  folio  at  Madrid  and  Seville®  and  it  is  from  this  account 
that  most  of  the  foregoing  details  have  been  derived. 

5 Relacion  del  suceso  que  tuvo  en  la  isla  de  Santa  Catalina  6 de  la  Provi- 
dencia  el  Almirante  B.  Francisco  Diaz  Pimienta  en  que  se  da  cuenta  de 
como  la  tonid  a los  enemigos  echdndolos  de  ella  y de  la  estimacidn  de  los 
despojos  y numero  de  prisioneros.  Madrid,  folio,  1642. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


303 


Pimienta’s  sister  in  commemoration  of  his  success 
ordered  a picture  of  the  battle  to  be  painted  from  the 
descriptions  of  eyewitnesses,  and  placed  this  picture  in 
the  chapel  of  Santa  Anna,  the  patron  saint  of  the 
Pimienta  family,  in  the  parish  church  of  Palma  in  the 
Canaries.  An  account  of  the  battle  was  deposited  among 
the  archives  of  the  church,  hut  this  has  now  found  its 
way  into  private  hands. 

The  outlook  of  Englishmen  upon  the  capture  was  from 
a different  standpoint  and  it  would  probably  have  caused 
greater  stir  had  not  men’s  minds  been  so  disturbed  and 
the  country  been  arming  for  imminent  civil  war.  The 
newsmongers,  however,  were  not  entirely  silent  on  the 
matter  and  in  March,  1642,  the  news  appeared  in  print 
along  with  other  miscellaneous  information.  The  news- 
letter is  now  among  the  Thomason  Tracts ;®  under  the 
title,  “Avisoes  from  several  Places,”  it  tells  us  of  Car- 
tagena: “The  General  of  the  galleons,  named  Francisco 
Diaz  Pimienta,  had  been  formerly  in  the  month  of  July 
[sic]  with  above  3000  men  and  the  least  of  his  ships  in 
the  Island  of  Santa  Catalina,  from  which  he  had  taken 
and  carried  away  all  the  English  and  razed  the  Forts, 
wherein  they  found  600  negroes,  much  gold  and  indigo, 
so  that  the  prize  is  esteemed  worth  above  half  a million. 
This  unexpected  and  undeserved  act  of  the  Spaniard  in 
supplanting  our  Nation,  will,  I hope,  ere  long  be  requited 
when  as  in  cool  blood  the  Spaniard  shall  do  us  a mischief 
in  demolishing  and  ruining  that  which  another  hath 
built  and  is  not  able  or  will  not  make  use  of  it  himself, 
supplanting  our  more  industrious  people,  which  en- 
deavoured to  do  good  both  to  the  bodies  and  souls 
of  men,  and  only  to  shew  his  greatness  with  his  multitude 
to  destroy  a handful  and  to  account  that  a victory  which 

6 Thomason  Tracts  in  Brit.  Mus.  (E.  141.10),  “A  letter  [for  N.  Butter] 
from  the  Low  Countries.  22  March,  164%.  ’ ’ 


304 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


is  rather  a credilous  [sic]  treachery,  but  let  him  triumph 
that  wins  at  last.” 

In  our  previous  chapter  we  left  the  colonists  from  New 
England  setting  forth  in  two  small  vessels,  the  Salutation 
and  the  Sparrow  of  Salem,  for  what  they  expected  to  be 
their  new  home  in  the  West  Indies.  They  arrived  at 
St.  Christopher  early  in  June,  1641,  and  we  may  let 
Winthrop  take  up  the  thread  of  their  story,  for  he  must 
have  received  it  from  their  own  lips  “At  Christopher’s 
they  heard  that  a great  fleet  of  Spanish  ships  was 
abroad,  and  that  it  was  feared  they  had  taken  Provi- 
dence, so  as  the  master,  Mr.  Peirce,  a godly  man  and 
most  expert  mariner,  advised  them  to  return  and  offered 
to  bear  part  of  the  loss.  But  they  not  hearkening  to 
him,  he  replied,  ‘Then  I am  a dead  man.’  And  coming 
to  the  Island,®  they  marvelled  they  saw  no  colours  upon 
the  fort,  nor  any  boat  coming  towards  them ; whereupon 
he  was  counselled  to  drop  an  anchor.  He  liked  the 
advice,  but  yet  stood  on  into  the  harbour  and  after  a 
second  advice  he  still  went  on;  but  being  come  within 
pistol  shot  of  one  fort  and  hailing  and  no  answer  made, 
he  put  his  bark  a stays,  and  being  upon  the  deck,  which 
was  also  full  of  passengers,  women  and  children,  and 
hearing  one  cry  out,  ‘They  are  traversing  a piece  at 
us,’  he  threw  himself  in  at  the  door  of  the  cuddy  and 
one,  Samuel  Wakeman,  a member  of  the  church  of  Hart- 
ford, who  was  sent  with  goods  to  buy  cotton,  cast  himself 
down  by  him  and  presently  a great  shot  took  them  both. 
Mr.  Peirce  died  within  an  hour;  the  other  having  only 
his  thighs  tore,  lived  ten  days.  Mr.  Peirce  had  read  to 
the  company  that  morning  (as  it  fell  in  course)  that  in 
Genesis  the  last, — ‘Lo  I die,  but  God  will  surely  visit 

7 Winthrop ’s  Journal,  II,  34.  Hubbard  repeats  the  story  from  Winthrop 
and  Hutchinson  summarises  it. 

8 21  June,  1641. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


305 


you  and  bring  you  back,’ — out  of  which  words  he  used 
godly  exhortations  to  them.  Then  they  shot  from  all 
parts  about  thirty  great  shot  besides  small  and  tore  the 
sails  and  shrouds  but  hurt  not  the  bark,  nor  any  person 
more  in  it.  The  other  vessel  was  then  a league  behind, 
which  was  marvelled  at,  for  she  was  the  better  sailer 
and  could  fetch  up  the  other  at  pleasure,  but  that  morn- 
ing they  could  not  by  any  means  keep  company  with  her. 
After  this,  the  passengers  being  ashamed  to  return, 
would  have  been  set  on  shore  at  Cape  Grace  de  Dios,  or 
Florida,  or  Virginia,  but  the  seamen  would  not,  and 
through  the  wonderful  providence  of  God,  they  came  all 
home  the  3rd  of  September  following.  This  brought 
some  of  them  to  see  their  error  and  acknowledge  it  in  the 
open  congregation,  but  others  were  hardened.  There 
was  a special  providence  in  that  the  ministers  were  sent 
prisoners  to  England  before  the  Island  was  taken,  for 
otherwise  it  is  most  probable  they  had  all  been  put  to  the 
sword,  because  some  Spaniards  had  been  slain  there  a 
little  before  by  the  deputy-governor  his  command,  after 
the  lieutenant  had  received  them  upon  quarter  in  an 
attempt  they  had  made  upon  the  island,  wherein  they 
were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  2 or  300  men.” 

The  vessel  carrying  out  from  England  the  new  deputy- 
governor,  Thomas  Fitch,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Leverton, 
also  approached  within  gunshot  of  the  island  before  they 
discovered  that  it  was  no  longer  in  English  possession. 
Calamy  tells  us :®  “ [the  prisoners]  were  kindly  received 
by  the  lords  planters  or  proprietors  of  the  island  and 
encouraged  to  return.  Mr.  Sherrard,  being  of  a timorous 
disposition,  chose  to  stay  here,  but  Capt.  Lane  and  Mr. 
Leverton  returned  plentifully  furnished  for  their  voyage 
and  authorised  with  a new  commission.  At  their 
approach  to  the  island  they  found  that  the  Spaniards 

9 Calamy,  Nonconformist’s  Memorial,  I,  373. 


306 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


had  seized  it  in  their  absence.  However  at  Mr.  Lever- 
ton’s  desire,  they  ventured  an  engagement  with  them, 
killed  a great  many  of  their  men  and  forced  their  armed 
long-boats  ashore.”  No  landing,  however,  could  be 
effected  and  Leverton  and  his  companions  had  to  sail 
away,  leaving  Santa  Catalina  in  the  Spaniards’  hands. 
Leverton  remained  cruising  in  the  West  Indies  for  some 
years  before  he  returned  to  England  and  met  with  many 
adventures  and  hardships.  His  landing  in  England  after 
his  travels  is  rather  quaintly  described  by  his  biogra- 
pher d®  “Arrived  at  the  Downs,  he  landed  at  Sandwich, 
where,  as  he  was  taking  horse  for  London,  the  ostler  says 
to  him,  ‘Mr.  So  and  so,  you  are  somewhat  like  our  minis- 
ter. I believe  you  have  lived  in  the  hot  countries,  as  well 
as  he.  ’ Upon  enquiry  he  found  the  minister  to  be  his  old 
colleague,  Mr.  Sherrard,  who  was  settled  there,  which 
brought  them  to  an  interview  again  to  their  mutual  joy. 
Coming  to  London,  he  was  received  with  great  honour 
and  respect  by  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  the  Island  of 
Providence,  and  soon  after  settled  as  minister  of  High 
Hedingham  in  Sutfolk.”  After  his  ejection  at  the 
Restoration,  he  went  out  as  chaplain  to  Lord  Wil- 
loughby’s plantation  of  Surinam,  where  he  died.  Sher- 
rard in  return  for  his  services  to  the  Providence 
Company  had  been  presented  by  the  Westminster 
Assembly  with  one  of  the  sequestered  livings  at  Sand- 
wich, but  his  contentious  temper  allowed  him  to  lead  no 
more  a peaceful  life  there  than  he  had  secured  in  Provi- 
dence. Many  disturbances  arose  in  the  town  in  conse- 
quence of  his  attempts  to  aggrandise  himself  at  the 
expense  of  others,  and  his  parishioners  petitioned  the 
House  of  Lords  against  him  in  very  bitter  terms.”  After 
a great  deal  of  trouble,  Sandwich  finally  succeeded  in 

10  Ihid. 

11  “House  of  Lords  MSS.,”  23  Oct.,  1647,  etc. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


307 


getting  rid  of  him,  and  we  last  hear  of  him  as  being 
intruded  upon  the  sequestered  rectory  of  Melcombe  in 
Dorset.^^ 

The  capture  of  Providence  was  a hard  blow  to  the 
company  as  completing  the  loss  of  the  capital  they  had 
sunk  in  the  enterprise,  but  so  engrossing  were  the  pre- 
occupations of  the  members  in  the  national  struggle  that 
no  attempts  could  be  made  to  retrieve  their  losses.  On 
February  8,  1642,  a meeting  of  Pym,  Warwick,  Saye, 
Mandeville,  and  Brooke  was  held  at  Brooke  House  to 
straighten  up  the  finances  of  the  company  as  far  as 
possible,  and  to  notify  each  member  the  proportion 
of  the  company’s  debt  for  which  he  was  personally 
responsible.  The  chaotic  state  of  all  business  during 
the  Civil  War  prevented  any  settlement  of  these  debts, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  resumption  of  a more  settled 
state  of  atfairs  in  1649  that  the  amounts  due  from  each 
member  were  definitely  ascertained.  Then  it  was  shown 
that  Pym’s  estate  still  owed  £1740,  Saye  £1190,  and  other 
members  smaller  amounts.  No  redress  had  been 
obtained  from  the  Spaniards  for  the  capture  of  New- 
man’s ship  by  the  Dunkirkers,  and  the  company  made 
this  a pretext  for  demanding  from  parliament  a share 
of  the  spoils  of  the  rich  Spanish  ship,  Santa  Clara,  which 
was  seized  with  very  doubtful  morality  in  Portsmouth 
harbour  in  1644.  The  case  caused  a great  deal  of  stir 
at  the  time  and  was  productive  of  a large  amount  of 
bitterness  between  the  English  and  the  Spanish  govern- 
ments. It  was  debated  for  many  years  and  even  till 
after  the  Restoration,  and  was  productive  of  a large 
mass  of  documents  which  are  still  extant.^®  Its  main 
interest  for  us  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  Providence  Com- 
pany’s journal  was  recopied  as  an  exhibit  in  the  case  and 

12  Lords’  Journal,  X,  32. 

13  S.  P.  Dom.,  Car.  I. 


308 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


probably  came  into  the  State  Paper  Office  among  the 
Santa  Clara  papers.  The  Providence  Company  ulti- 
mately got  little  or  nothing  from  the  sequestered  funds 
which  dribbled  away  among  the  many  venial  employes 
of  the  Commonwealth. 

The  creditors  of  the  company  were  not  content  to  wait 
for  their  money,  while  the  members  were  quarrelling  as 
to  how  it  should  he  paid.  They  began  to  take  proceedings 
against  members  of  the  company  in  their  individual 
capacity,  though  they  had  great  difficulty  in  doing  so 
owing  to  the  fact  that  most  of  them  were  protected  hy 
parliamentary  privileges.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
the  permanent  session  of  the  Long  Parliament  acted  as 
a bar  to  the  recovery  of  debts  from  its  members  and  their 
servants,  and  that  full  advantage  was  taken  of  this  par- 
liamentary privilege  at  the  expense  of  the  unfortunate 
creditors.  Sir  John  Barrington,  heir  of  Sir  Thomas 
Barrington,  who  had  died  in  1643,  was  the  only  Provi- 
dence adventurer  who  was  unprotected  from  distraint 
by  parliamentary  privilege,  and  in  1645  we  find  him 
petitioning  parliaments^  for  protection  against  the 
Providence  creditors,  who  were  suing  him  for  the  whole 
of  the  company’s  debts.  He  was  successful  in  his  peti- 
tion, and  was  compelled  to  pay  only  the  debt  owing  by 
his  father.  On  February  5,  1650,  the  last  meeting’®  of 
the  Providence  Company  of  which  we  have  any  record 
took  place  and  each  surviving  member  assumed  personal 
responsibility  for  the  portion  of  the  debts  that  was  shown 
by  Secretary  Jessop  to  be  due  from  him.  With  this 
step  the  company  may  be  said  to  have  dissolved. 

We  have  now  examined  in  detail  the  story  of  the 
Providence  Company  and  its  allied  enterprises  from  their 

House  of  Lords  MSS.,”  24  July,  1645,  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  Sixth 
Beport,  App.,  p.  71a;  Lords’  Journal,  VII,  506;  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2648. 

15  Present  Warwick,  Kudyerd,  Darley,  N.  Fiennes,  Knightley,  Graunt. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


309 


inception  to  their  abandonment,  and  it  behooves  us  to 
attempt  to  supply  an  answer  to  some  questions  that 
cannot  fail  to  have  suggested  themselves  in  the  course 
of  our  enquiry.  Why  did  men  migrate  from  England 
in  the  decade  1630-1640  by  the  thousand,  with  their  wives, 
their  families,  and  their  whole  possessions'?  Why  did 
the  tuen  inhospitable  shores  of  New  England  attract 
them,  while  only  an  insignificant  number  could  be  per- 
suaded by  the  leaders  of  their  party  in  England  to  sail 
for  the  balmy  climate  of  the  Caribbean? 

It  has  been  well  said  that  revolts  against  tyranny  arise, 
not  when  men  are  in  the  depths  of  misery,  but  when  their 
prevailing  prosperity  is  attacked.  The  Great  Rebellion 
of  the  seventeenth  century  and  the  migration  that  pre- 
ceded it,  do  something  to  bear  out  the  truth  of  this  state- 
ment, for  the  profound  internal  peace  enjoyed  by  Eng- 
land for  sixty  years,  had,  by  1630,  resulted  in  enormous 
progress  in  wealth  and  enlightenment.  But  while  the 
nation  as  a whole  was  infinitely  better  off  under  Charles 
I than  in  the  early  days  of  Elizabeth,  there  was  much  in 
the  condition  of  rural  England  to  breed  discontent  in 
the  hearts  of  the  farming  class. The  power  of  the 
nobility  and  greater  gentry  in  the  government  of  their 
counties  was  supreme,  and  though  their  rule  generally 
commended  itself  to  their  poorer  neighbours,  yet  there 
are  many  indications  in  the  records  of  the  time  that  Eng- 
lish tenant  farmers  were  not  contented  with  their  lot,  but 
felt  keenly  that  land  hunger  which  so  often  besets  the 
members  of  a rural  community.  In  Massachusetts  from 
the  first  it  was  possible  for  practically  every  man  to  own 
his  own  land  in  entire  freedom  from  a landlord’s  over- 
sight and  from  the  heavy  rents  exacted  in  England.  In 
Providence,  on  the  other  hand,  in  its  earlier  years  the 

16  See  Thorold  Eogers,  Hist,  of  Agriculture  and  Prices,  Chaps.  I and 
XXVII. 


310 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


whole  of  the  land  was  the  property  of  the  English  com- 
pany, and  the  half  of  all  profits  produced  had  to  be  paid 
over  to  them.  At  first  the  company  would  not  even  grant 
definite  leases  of  the  plantations,  and  this  proved  a ter- 
rible drawback  in  the  eyes  of  men  who  left  England, 
not  merely  to  escape  religious  tyranny  as  they  rega  rded 
it,  but  also  to  become  their  own  masters  and  to  owi.  iheir 
own  acres  free  from  the  overlordship  of  squire  or  noble. 

We  are  familiar  with  the  objections  of  the  ruling 
classes  to  the  obsolescent  feudal  rights  of  the  crown,  for 
they  were  loudly  voiced  during  the  debates  in  parliament 
on  the  ‘ ‘ Great  Contract.  ’ ’ The  pressure  of  feudal  rights 
upon  the  tenant  farmer  class,  though  less  heard  of,  must 
have  been  even  more  galling.  For  any  proper  under- 
standing of  the  social  conditions  prevailing  under  the 
early  Stuarts  we  must  remember  that  however  modern 
the  tendencies  of  the  time  may  appear,  those  tendencies 
had  to  work  themselves  out  in  a society  bound  and 
shackled  in  every  direction  by  the  rusty  chains  of  the 
mediseval  polity.  The  “Ancien  Regime”  died  in  a cer- 
tain sense  with  an  English  king  as  much  as  it  died  with 
a French  one,  and  there  are  many  curiously  exact  par- 
allels to  be  drawn  between  the  last  days  of  feudalism  in 
both  countries.  The  Stuart  age  was  peculiarly  one  of 
lawyers,  who,  nurtured  on  the  legal  learning  of  Lancas- 
trian precedents,  could  always  find  a way  to  prove  that 
right  lay  on  the  side  of  the  over-lord.  Coke  and  Hakewill, 
Noy  and  Digges,  may  have  laid  the  foundation  of  our 
modern  liberties,  but  their  rule  was  a hard  one  for  the 
small  man.  To  escape  from  the  meshes  of  manorial 
pedantry  to  a community  where  practically  all  men  were 
of  equal  rank,  and  where  every  freeman  had  a voice  in 
the  election  of  his  rulers,  must  have  been  a most  potent 
inducement  to  emigration  to  a generation  that  had  begun 
to  think  for  itself. 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


311 


While  New  England  could  offer  this  prospect  of  free- 
dom, Providence  could  hold  out  no  such  boon.  The  gov- 
ernor and  the  council  were  obedient  nominees  of  the 
company  at  home,  and  their  control  of  the  planters  was 
absolute,  although  in  their  selection  no  person  in  the 
colony  had  a share.  The  company’s  regulation  of  the 
trade  of  the  island,  and  their  requirement  that  the  colo- 
nists should  purchase  all  their  goods  from  the  stores, 
while  they  were  compelled  to  dispose  of  their  crops 
through  the  company’s  agents  in  England,  contrasted 
ill  with  the  entire  freedom  of  trade  enjoyed  in  Massa- 
chusetts, where  commodities  could  be  purchased  in  an 
open  market  and  the  fruits  of  the  colonists’  labours 
could  be  sold  without  restraint  to  the  highest  bidder. 
The  conditions  under  which  farming  was  carried  on  in 
New  England  and  the  crops  to  be  raised  there  were 
familiar  to  every  immigrant  from  a rural  parish,  but  in 
the  West  Indies  a man  must  learn  to  cope  with  an  en- 
tirely new  set  of  conditions  in  a climate  unsuited  to  the 
exertion  of  the  unremitting  energy  essential  to  success. 
In  Massachusetts  a man’s  whole  labours  might  be 
devoted  to  his  own  concerns  and  very  little  danger  was 
to  be  apprehended  in  the  early  years  from  the  neighbour- 
ing Indian  tribes;  but  in  Providence  a planter  must  be 
always  ready  to  take  up  his  pike  or  his  musket,  and  was 
constantly  being  called  away  from  his  own  plantation  for 
hard  work  upon  the  fortifications.  The  constant  dread 
of  Spanish  attack  must  have  been  one  of  the  most  potent 
causes  in  persuading  an  emigrant  to  choose  Massa- 
chusetts as  his  goal  rather  than  Providence,  for  while 
it  might  appear  to  men  like  Saye  and  Pym  a most  states- 
manlike course  to  combine  hatred  of  Spanish  domination 
with  hatred  of  English  Arminianism,  the  course  can 
hardly  have  presented  itself  in  the  same  light  to  plain 
men,  who  had  never  had  a share  in  polities  at  home,  and 


312 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


who  in  emigrating  to  the  West  Indies  laid  themselves 
open  to  the  prospect  of  ending  their  days  in  a Spanish 
dungeon.  It  was  one  thing  to  hate  the  Spaniard  in  the 
security  of  an  English  parish,  but  quite  another  to  be 
prepared  at  any  moment  to  join  in  repelling  an  over- 
whelming Spanish  attack.  Religious  motives  were  far 
stronger  in  guiding  the  conduct  of  an  Englishman  in  the 
seventeenth  century  than  they  are  to-day,  but  it  was  only 
rarely  that  crusading  ardour  could  be  found  combined 
in  one  personality  with  the  patience,  prudence,  and  per- 
sistence that  are  requisite  in  the  founders  of  a successful 
colony.  Not  every  infant  community  has  been  blest  with 
the  possession  of  a John  Winthrop. 

Some  part  of  the  reluctance  of  Puritans  to  emigrate 
to  Providence  may  be  attributed  to  personal  causes. 
Looking  back  over  the  whole  Puritan  struggle,  the  Civil 
War,  and  the  first  years  of  the  Commonwealth,  we  see 
the  party  groupings  of  the  preceding  years  in  a way 
quite  different  from  that  in  which  they  appeared  to  plain 
men  at  the  time.  Warwick,  Saye,  Pym,  and  Barrington 
were  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  King  Charles  I’s 
ministers  when  parliament  was  sitting  and  they  directed 
the  poficy  of  their  party  during  the  years  of  absolute  rule, 
but  their  aims  and  their  efforts  were  of  necessity  secret, 
and  to  the  Puritan  rank  and  file  they  must  have  appeared 
merely  as  somewhat  distinguished  members  of  the  ruling 
classes,  who,  though  having  sound  views  upon  religion, 
were  yet  acquiescent  supporters  of  the  absolute  regime. 
To  an  Essex  farmer  the  Earl  of  Warwick  would  appear 
only  as  the  lord  lieutenant  of  the  county,  keeping  almost 
regal  state  at  his  seat  of  Leighs  Priory,  Puritan  in  his 
sympathies  certainly,  but  carrying  out  obediently  the 
orders  of  the  government,  appearing  at  the  oppressive 
forest  courts  held  by  his  brother,  the  Earl  of  Holland, 
as  chief  justice  in  eyre,  anxious  to  maintain  his  rights 


CAPTURE  OF  PROVIDENCE 


313 


against  the  king,  but  on  his  own  estates  insisting  strongly 
upon  his  rights  as  landlord.  Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  as 
the  lord  lieutenant’s  trusty  deputy,  appeared  in  the 
same  light  as  an  agent  of  the  government,  and  that  he 
was  not  much  liked  by  the  lower  orders  in  his  own  neigh- 
bourhood we  can  see  from  the  many  cases  in  the  Domestic 
State  Papers,  where  he  was  accused  of  illegally  enclosing 
forest  and  common  lands.  Saye  was  more  favourably 
known  to  the  common  people  as  an  implacable  opponent 
of  the  government,  but  Pym  had  made  very  little  mark 
in  public  life  before  the  opening  of  the  Short  Parliament, 
and  he  was  always  regarded  by  political  observers  of  the 
time  as  a mere  client  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  and  a mod- 
erate, who,  like  Rudyerd,  was  hampered  by  his  long 
connection  with  official  life.  Contrast  this  with  the  way 
in  which  men  like  John  Winthrop  and  Thomas  Dudley 
must  have  appeared  to  their  humbler  brethren.  Both 
were  men  of  decent  family,  but  their  religious  fervour 
was  strong  enough  to  overcome  their  class  feelings  and 
to  make  them  prefer  to  leave  England  forever,  rather 
than  submit  to  a church  policy  that  they  detested.  They 
did  not  merely  offer  to  send  out  emigrants  to  a distant 
colony,  while  they  remained  at  home  and  weakly  com- 
promised with  absolutism ; in  person  they  led  the  stream 
of  emigrants  across  the  Atlantic,  shared  their  dangers 
and  their  hardships,  and  governed  the  colony  they  had 
founded  with  self-sacrificing  care,  foresight,  and  integ- 
rity. Such  was  the  esteem  in  which  the  leaders  of  the 
rival  colonies  were  held  by  the  humbler  folk.  Can  we 
wonder  that  while  the  colony  succeeded  abundantly  that 
had  but  one  member  of  the  ruling  classes,  Henry  Vane, 
among  its  leaders.  Providence,  essentially  the  creation 
of  the  Puritan  members  of  those  ruling  classes,  proved 
in  the  end  and  in  every  respect  a failure? 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  ABIDING  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  PROVI- 
DENCE COMPANY’S  ENTERPRISES 


The  Providence  Company  and  its  schemes  had  by  1641 
come  to  a most  unfortunate  ending,  as  far  as  material 
advantage  and  success  were  concerned,  but  even  in 
failure  the  efforts  of  the  company  prepared  the  way  for 
future  accomplishment.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
present  enquiry  we  stated  that  the  Providence  Company 
served  as  a connecting  link  between  the  Elizabethan  sea- 
men and  Cromwell’s  “Western  Design,”  between  the 
exploits  of  Drake  and  Hawkins  and  the  founding  of 
Jamaica.  With  the  chain  of  events  that  formed  this 
connection  we  have  been  concerned  throughout  the  fore- 
going pages,  and  it  now  only  remains  to  look  to  the  last 
of  the  links  and  to  show  briefly  that  the  “Western 
Design”  was  no  new  creation  of  Cromwell’s  brain,  but 
was  an  ordered  attempt  to  carry  to  fruition  the  ideas 
of  England’s  true  foreign  policy  that  Pym  and  Warwick 
had  instilled  into  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the 
Providence  Company  and  the  Puritan  party  in  general. 

Throughout  the  whole  life  of  the  Providence  Company 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  maintained  his  private  warfare 
against  Spain  and,  in  conjunction  with  certain  London 
and  Dartmouth  merchants,  had  continued  the  privateer- 
ing business  that  he  found  so  profitable.  He  continued 
to  take  the  greatest  interest  in  all  colonising  schemes  and 
when  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  seeing  no  likelihood  of  profit 
from  his  Caribbee  patent,  desired  to  dispose  of  it.  War- 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


315 


wick  purchased  all  his  rights  over  the  islands  for  a 
nominal  sum.  In  1638  he  began  to  take  steps  to  en- 
force these  rights  and  founded  small  colonies  in  Trinidad 
and  Tobago  with  emigrants  from  Bermuda  under  one 
of  his  old  shipmasters,  a Capt.  Chaddock.  After  the 
capture  of  Providence  certain  of  the  settlers,  who  had 
managed  to  escape,  took  refuge  with  Warwick’s  colonists 
in  Tobago  and  there  carried  on  a precarious  existence 
for  a few  years.  Others  fled  to  Cape  Gracias  a Dios 
and  there  mingled  with  the  Indians,  while  others  again 
took  refuge  with  Claiborne’s  colonists  in  Ruatan  and 
others  of  the  Bay  Islands.  These  last  did  not  have  a very 
long  respite,  for  in  1642  they  were  attacked  by  a Spanish 
expedition  from  Honduras  and  either  slaughtered  or 
dispersed  among  the  Indians.  The  most  important  group 
of  fugitives,  however,  led  by  Samuel  and  Andrew  Axe, 
escaped  to  St.  Christopher  and  played  a very  important 
part  in  West  Indian  history  in  connection  with  the 
capture  of  Jamaica. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  Robins,  the  petitioner  to  the 
House  of  Lords  against  the  tyrannical  behaviour  of  which 
he  had  been  the  victim  in  Providence,  complained  in  1642 
that  Capt.  Jackson,  his  persecutor,  was  bound  to  the  West 
Indies  on  a voyage  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  This  voy- 
age we  have  already  mentioned  very  briefly,  and  it  must 
now  again  be  noticed,  for  it  was  by  far  the  most  important 
event  in  the  history  of  the  West  Indies  between  1641  and 
1655.  The  enterprise  was  financed  by  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick and  others  of  the  Providence  Company  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Maurice  Thompson,  and  other  merchants  in 
the  City  of  London.  Jackson  sailed  from  England  in 
July,  1642,  with  three  well-equipped  vessels,  having  as 
his  vice-admiral  Samuel  Axe,  the  old  Providence  colonist. 
Arriving  at  Barbadoes  on  the  27th  of  September,  he 
made  public  proclamation  of  his  commission  from  the 


316 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


Earl  of  Warwick  and  of  his  intended  expedition  against 
the  Spaniards,  and  called  for  volunteers.  He  was  at 
once  joined  by  large  numbers  of  recruits  both  from 
Barbadoes  and  St.  Christopher,  and  especially  by  very 
many  of  those  who  had  escaped  from  the  capture  of 
Providence.  By  the  beginning  of  November  the  whole 
force  was  complete,  and  consisted  of  seven  vessels  of 
various  sizes  and  something  over  eleven  hundred  men. 
The  land  forces  were  divided  into  companies  and  placed 
under  the  supreme  command  of  Capt.  William  Rous, 
who  on  his  release  from  a Spanish  prison  had  again 
found  his  way  to  the  West  Indies. 

The  first  attack  was  directed  against  the  pearl  fisheries 
at  the  Island  of  Margarita,  but  little  booty  was  obtained. 
After  the  capture  and  ransom  of  Maracaibo  in  December, 
other  places  in  New  Granada  were  pillaged  and  at  the 
end  of  February,  1643,  the  expedition  sailed  over  to 
Hispaniola  to  refit.  On  the  25th  of  March,  Jackson 
landed  his  forces  in  the  island  of  Jamaica  and  without 
any  great  difficulty  captured  its  Spanish  capital,  San- 
tiago de  la  Vega.  For  some  three  weeks  Jackson  held 
Jamaica  at  his  mercy,  and  it  was  only  on  receiving  a 
ransom  of  7000  pieces  of  eight  and  very  large  stores  of 
victuals  for  his  ships,  that  he  finally  consented  to  retire 
on  the  21st  of  April.  Rous  now  gave  up  his  command 
in  the  expedition  and  returned  to  England,  having 
learned  that  he  had  been  elected  as  a member  of  the 
Long  Parliament.  The  expedition  sailed  next  into  the 
Gulf  of  Honduras  under  the  guidance  of  the  New  England 
pirate,  Capt.  Cromwell.  Truxillo  was  captured,  but 
yielded  little  return,  and  the  freebooters  did  not  meet 
with  much  profit  during  the  summer  of  1643.  In 
November  a raid  was  made  against  the  smaller  towns 
of  Costa  Rica  and  the  Isthmus,  but  again  little  booty  was 
procured. 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


317 


The  winter  of  1643-1644  was  spent  in  raids  upon  the 
coast  of  Cartagena  and  the  summer  of  1644  in  expedi- 
tions against  Guatemala  and  the  small  towns  in  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  finally  in  September,  Jackson  and  the 
remains  of  his  fleet  sailed  out  through  the  Straits  of 
Florida  without  mishap  and  reached  Bermuda  on  the 
27th  of  October.  After  a long  stay  there  to  divide  the 
booty,  the  expedition  finally  returned  to  England  in 
March,  1645,  and  had  its  last  fight  off  Plymouth  with 
three  Dunkirk  men-of-war,  one  of  its  smaller  vessels 
being  sunk  and  a large  portion  of  the  crew  drowned.  For 
three  years  Jackson  and  his  followers  had  kept  the 
Indies  in  an  uproar.  It  is  needless  to  remark  that  the 
Spanish  government  had  exhausted  every  means  in  their 
power  to  cause  the  English  authorities  to  put  a stop  to 
his  depredations;  but  when  a country  is  plunged  in  the 
throes  of  civil  war,  little  can  be  done,  even  by  a willing 
government,  to  bring  its  disobedient  subjects  under  con- 
trol. As  to  the  will  of  the  parliament  to  bring  Jackson’s 
depredations  to  an  end,  we  shall  be  more  certain  if  we 
note  briefly  what  happened  in  colonial  affairs  after  regu- 
lar government  ceased  in  1641. 

The  members  of  the  Providence  Company  did  not 
abandon  their  interest  in  colonial  affairs  when  the 
events  in  England  became  so  engrossing  as  to  demand 
their  whole  attention.  A lull  in  the  civil  strife  appeared 
to  have  been  reached,  when,  on  September  9,  1641,  both 
houses  of  parliament  adjourned  till  the  20th  of  October, 
and  once  more  we  find  an  interest  being  taken  in  the 
West  Indies.  A committee  was  appointed  by  each  house 
to  look  after  affairs  during  the  recess,  and  when  we  find 
upon  the  Lords’  committee  the  names  of  Warwick  and 
Mandeville,  and  upon  that  of  the  Commons’  Pym,  chair- 
man, St.  J ohn,  Gerrard,  and  Barrington,  we  are  not  sur- 
prised to  learn  that  among  the  terms  of  reference  is  a 


318 


PUEITAN  COLONISATION 


direction  “To  consider  of  framing  and  constituting  a 
West  Indian  Company.”^  Circumstances,  however,  were 
too  critical  for  the  committee  to  devote  attention  to  the 
project  and  colonial  affairs  were  left  more  and  more 
to  be  dealt  with  by  Warwick  alone  with  the  assistance  of 
Jessop  as  his  secretary. 

With  the  outbreak  of  civil  war  in  1642,  all  formal  gov- 
ernmental connection  between  England  and  her  colonies 
ceased  for  nearly  a decade.  A body  of  so-called  colonial 
commissioners  was  established  by  the  Long  Parliament, 
but  though  they  contained  among  their  number  all  the 
principal  members  of  the  Providence  Company,  they  did 
verj^  little  business.  In  1643  the  Earl  of  War^vick  was 
appointed  governor-in-chief  of  all  the  American  planta- 
tions and  there  seems  to  have  been  some  understanding 
that  he  should  submit  important  matters  for  considera- 
tion to  the  great  Derby  House  committee.  As  a matter 
of  fact,  the  parliamentary  government  was  so  over- 
whelmed with  difficulties  of  all  kinds,  that  no  share  of 
its  attention  could  be  paid  to  the  colonies,  and  they  were 
allowed  to  shift  for  themselves  as  best  they  could.  An 
accurate  investigation  of  the  relations  between  the  colo- 
nies and  the  mother  country  in  those  years  of  chaos 
would  demand  much  patient  and  not  very  profitable 
research,  but  it  would  appear  that  our  general  conclu- 
sions are  in  the  main  correct,  and  that  what  small  amount 
of  communication  was  kept  up,  was  carried  out  by  the 
Earl  of  Warvfick  through  William  Jessop  and  practi- 
cally upon  his  own  authority."  Each  colony  was  for  the 
time  being  a little  independent  state,  adherent  nominally 
to  either  king  or  parliament  as  the  case  might  be,  and 

1 Clarendon,  Hist,  of  the  Bebellion,  IV,  12;  Commons’  Journal,  II,  288. 

2 A register  of  letters  written  to  the  colonies  by  Jessop  in  the  name  of 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  1645-1648,  is  in  the  British  Museum,  Stowe  MSS., 
184,  fos.  114  sqq. 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


319 


providing  a haven  for  privateers  of  its  own  way  of  think- 
ing, but  in  practice  having  very  little  to  do  with  the 
struggle  at  home. 

With  the  suppression  of  the  second  Civil  War  and  the 
execution  of  the  king  in  1649,  the  reorganisation  of  gov- 
ernment in  England  began  to  place  affairs  upon  a more 
stable  footing,  and  it  became  possible  for  the  parliament 
acting  through  the  Council  of  State  to  attempt  to  recall 
the  colonies  once  more  to  an  etfective  allegiance.  A 
strong  fleet  was  fitted  out  in  1650  and  despatched  under 
Sir  George  Ayscue  to  bring  the  royalists  of  Virginia, 
Barbadoes,  and  Bermuda  into  subjection.  The  task  was 
practically  completed  by  the  early  part  of  1652,  in  time 
to  deprive  Prince  Rupert  of  a refuge  for  his  fleet  in 
Barbadoes.  The  whole  direction  of  the  enterprise  was 
supervised  in  a very  spasmodic  way  by  a committee  of 
the  council  of  state  with  William  Jessop  as  its  clerk  and 
executive  officer.  Its  guiding  spirit,  as  far  as  colonial 
policy  was  concerned,  was  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who 
even  after  his  retirement  from  the  position  of  lord  high 
admiral  had  a very  great  influence  in  affairs,  and  we 
may  claim  with  justice  that  through  him  and  Jessop 
there  was  a direct  connection  between  the  colonial  policy 
of  1652  and  the  Providence  Company’s  West  Indian 
enterprises  that  had  failed  in  1641. 

On  April  20,  1653,  Oliver  Cromwell,  the  chosen  leader 
of  the  now  all-powerful  army,  drove  the  Rump  from  the 
Parliament  House  and  made  the  way  clear  for  a new 
and  definite  course  of  policy  in  foreign  affairs.  Through- 
out the  year  the  form  which  the  new  government  was  to 
assume  was  uncertain,  but  on  December  16,  1653,  a new 
written  constitution,  the  Instrument  of  Government,  was 
accepted,  and  Cromwell  became  Lord  Protector.  He  was 
now  free  in  great  measure  to  fashion  a definite  foreign 
policy  and  to  give  to  England  once  more  a place  of 


320 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


respect  and  influence  in  the  European  world.  Either 
of  two  alternatives  might  be  chosen  as  a policy,  and  each 
of  them  was  supported  by  a party  in  the  Council  of 
State,  with  which  under  the  Instrument  of  Government 
lay  the  deciding  voice.  On  one  hand,  the  Protector  might 
adopt  a policy  of  close  alliance  with  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy to  curb  the  growing  power  of  France,  or  on  the 
other,  he  might  take  up  that  traditional  policy  of  hostility 
to  Spain  that  he  and  some  of  his  most  intimate  friends® 
had  been  brought  up  from  their  earliest  years  to  regard 
as  England’s  heritage  from  the  days  of  the  great  queen. 
Between  these  two  alternatives  the  struggle  raged  in 
a tangle  of  confused  negotiation  that  lasted  until,  in  the 
summer  of  1654,  Cromwell  was  able  to  force  his  council- 
lors to  accept  the  decision  to  which  his  own  personal 
feelings  and  his  Puritan  up-bringing  had  led  him. 

The  modern  mind,  says  Seeley,*  is  tempted  to  question 
this  momentous  decision  and  to  ask  why  Cromwell  wan- 
tonly plunged  his  country  into  war  with  the  Spanish 
monarchy  at  a moment  when  she  had  scarcely  emerged 
from  a long,  dark  period  of  civil  discord.  He  suggests 
that  the  guiding  cause  was  Cromwell’s  emulation  of 
the  example  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  as  the  champion  of 
Protestantism,  rather  than  his  foresight  of  the  future 
colonial  greatness  of  England  and  a desire  to  enrich 
her  with  the  spoils  of  the  declining  Spanish  empire.  An 
American  writer®  has  more  justly  ascribed  Cromwell’s 
motive  to  an  emulation  of  the  Elizabethans,  but  he 
imputes  the  connection  of  ideas  to  the  inspiration  of 
the  renegade  Dominican,  Thomas  Gage.  The  enquiry 
that  has  been  carried  through  in  these  pages  enables  us 

3 For  the  intimacy  of  Cromwell  with  Warwick,  see  Carlyle ’s  Letters  of 
Cromwell,  ed.  Mrs.  S.  C.  Lomas,  III,  294,  338. 

* Seeley,  Growth  of  British  Policy,  II,  75. 

5 Strong,  Amer.  Hist.  Ttev.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  233. 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


321 


to  offer  a solution  to  the  problem  more  prosaic  than  the 
one  view,  more  natural  than  the  other,  and  proof  is  not 
lacking  that  our  solution  is  the  true  one,  for  it  can  be 
supported  by  evidence  derived  from  Cromwell  himself. 
For  thirty  years  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Puritan  party 
had  been  to  enrich  England  at  the  expense  of  the  Spanish 
Indies,  but  only  once  within  that  time  had  it  been  pos- 
sible to  attempt  this  openly,  and  then  its  success  had 
been  foiled  by  royal  bungling.  At  last  the  way  lay  open 
to  carry  the  Puritan  policy  to  fruition  by  Puritan  means. 
Everything  in  Cromwell’s  personal  and  family  history, 
everything  in  the  counsels  of  his  intimate  friends,  urged 
him  to  take  up,  now  that  he  was  able,  the  great  cause  of 
Protestantism  in  the  Indies,  that  the  Puritan  leaders 
had  attempted  to  uphold  during  the  ten  long  years  of 
absolute  rule.  Let  him  go  on  with  the  interrupted  work 
to  found,  with  the  greater  means  at  his  command,  Pym’s 
English  empire  on  the  shores  of  the  Caribbean — a blow 
at  the  realm  of  Anti-Christ  and  an  extension  of  the 
Kingdom  of  God  in  the  world. 

In  December,  1654,  a great  fleet  sailed  from  Ports- 
mouth under  Adm.  Penn  and  Gen.  Venables  with  sealed 
orders  to  attack  Hispaniola  in  prosecution  of  the 
“Western  Design.”  In  September,  1655,  after  having 
succeeded  in  capturing  only  that  island  of  Jamaica  which 
had  fallen  such  an  easy  prey  to  Jackson’s  much  smaller 
force  twelve  years  before,  they  returned  to  England 
dejected,  discredited,  and  in  enmity  one  with  another. 
So  great  an  apparent  failure  seemed  to  demand  an 
apology  for  the  policy  that  had  inspired  the  expedition, 
and  on  the  26th  of  October,  1655,  there  was  published  a 
lengthy  Latin  document  entitled  Scriptum  domini  pro- 
tectoris  contra  Mspanos,  or  in  the  English  version  of 
Birch,  a Manifesto  of  the  Lord  Protector,  etc.,  wherein 


322 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


is  shewn  the  Reasonableness  of  the  Cause  of  this 
Republic  against  the  Depredations  of  the  Spaniards.^ 

This  manifesto  has  been  always  attributed  to  the  pen 
of  John  Milton,  then  Latin  secretary  to  the  Protector. 
It  recites  at  length  the  wrongs  suffered  by  Englishmen 
at  the  hands  of  Spaniards  since  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  justifies  the  declaration  of  war 
and  the  despatch  of  the  West  Indian  expedition  as  a 
retaliation  for  past  injuries  and  an  attempt  to  right  the 
wrongs  of  Englishmen.  It  may  be  that  the  manifesto 
was  merely  an  attempt  to  justify  to  the  public  an  expe- 
dition that  had  been  despatched  by  the  Protector  on 
quite  other  grounds,  but  this  somewhat  forced  explana- 
tion seems  exceedingly  unlikely  when  we  examine  the 
list  of  wrongs  charged  against  the  Spaniards,  and  fiud 
how  large  among  them  loom  the  losses  of  the  Provi- 
dence Company,  which  had  touched  the  pockets  of  so 
many  among  Cromwell’s  immediate  friends  and  allies. 

Ten  instances  of  the  unjustified  seizure  of  English 
ships  between  1605  and  1608  are  dealt  with  in  a general 
fashion  in  sixty-four  lines  of  the  manifesto,  which  then 
goes  on  to  deal  with  the  story  of  the  Providence  Com- 
pany and  the  capture  of  Tortuga  and  Providence  in  a 
hundred  and  nineteen  lines  of  accurate  detail.  With 
two  or  three  very  brief  mentions  of  more  recent  attacks 
of  the  DunMrkers  on  English  ships  the  grievances  of 
the  Providence  Company  complete  the  list  of  wrongs. 
It  is  evident  that  Milton  must  have  derived  his  informa- 
tion from  someone  entirely  familiar  with  the  history 
of  the  Providence  Company,  and  this  informant  can  be 
no  other  than  the  company’s  late  secretary,  William 
Jessop,  now  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  Council  of  State  and 
in  daily  contact  with  Milton. 

6 Translated  by  Birch  (1738)  and  printed  in  Bohn’s  edition  of  Milton’s 
Prose  Worlcs,  II,  342. 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


323 


That  the  Protector  himself  was  entirely  familiar  with 
the  strategic  situation  and  importance  of  Providence, 
we  may  learn  from  one  of  his  own  letters.  Writing 
under  date  October  30, 1655,  to  Major-General  Fortescue, 
then  in  command  in  Jamaica,  he  said:^  “We  think,  and 
it  is  much  designed  amongst  us,  to  strive  with  the 
Spaniards  for  the  mastery  of  all  those  seas;  and  there- 
fore we  could  heartily  vdsh  that  the  Island  of  Providence 
were  in  our  hands  again,  believing  that  it  lies  so  advan- 
tageously in  reference  to  the  Main,  and  especially  for  the 
hindrance  of  the  Peru  trade  and  Cartagena,  that  you 
might  not  only  have  great  advantage  thereby  of  intelli- 
gence and  surprise,  but  even  block  up  the  same.  ’ ’*  This 
mastery  of  the  Spanish  treasure  route  had  been  strongly 
insisted  upon  in  the  original  instructions  issued  to  Gen. 
Venables;®  and,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the 
most  cherished  designs  of  P%Tn  and  the  Providence 
Company. 

Not  only  were  those  in  power  in  England  familiar 
with  the  Providence  story,  but  the  leaders  of  the  expedi- 
tion themselves  knew  it  well,  and,  if  necessary,  could 
refresh  their  memories  from  some  of  those  who  had  taken 
part  in  it.  Andrew  Carter,  the  old  deputy-governor  of 
Providence,^®  was  the  leader  of  the  fifth  regiment, 
Anthony  Rous,  son  of  the  deceased  Pro^ddence  minister, 
was  serving  in  the  army,  and  Kempo  Sabada,  the  old 
Providence  pilot,  was  one  of  the  principal  guides  of  the 
expedition. “ A complete  search  through  the  records 

'>  Carlyle’s  Letters  of  Cromwell,  ed.  Mrs.  S.  C.  Lomas  (1904),  no.  CCVT; 
old  edition  No.  CXLIII. 

* Carlyle  emends  ‘ ‘ the  same,  ’ ’ which  is  in  the  original,  to  ‘ ‘ Cartagena  ’ ’ 
and  Mrs.  Lomas  allows  the  emendation  to  stand.  It  would  rather  seem 
that  ‘ ‘ the  same  ’ ’ refers  to  the  Peru  trade. 

9 Venables’  Narrative,  ed.  C.  H.  Firth,  p.  113. 

10  For  his  later  life  see  ibid..  Introduction,  p.  xxi. 

11  Ibid.,  p.  20. 


324 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


would  doubtless  yield  other  names,  but  it  seems  hardly 
necessary.  The  terms  propounded  to  the  Spaniards  in 
Jamaica  are  sufficient  to  prove  that  revenge  for  the 
humiliations  of  1641  was  in  every  mind.  Whistler  tells 
us  in  his  journal  of  the  West  India  expedition ‘‘This 
morning  came  in  to  us  eight  Spaniards,  they  being  the 
chief  men  of  the  Island  [of  Jamaica]  to  treat  with  us: 
and  General  Venables  propounding  to  them  the  same 
compositions  that  they  gave  our  English  upon  Provi- 
dence, which  was  all  to  go  off  from  the  Island,  each  with 
a suit  of  clothes  on  his  back : And  to  bring  in  all  goods 
and  all  money  and  plate,  with  their  negroes  and  all  other 
slaves  into  the  place  appointed  for  the  reviewing  of  it 
within  ten  days,  upon  pain  of  death,  and  so  to  be  gone 
off  the  island.” 

Jamaica,  having  been  captured,  must  be  peopled  and 
settlers  sought  on  all  sides.  Again  Cromwell  followed 
the  old  hnes  and  took  up  Saye’s  old  project  of  obtaining 
settlers  from  New  England.  Saye’s  arguments  and 
almost  his  very  phrases  were  used  to  further  his  purpose. 
Again  did  Winthrop  protest,  again  did  the  rulers  of 
Massachusetts  throw  every  obstacle  in  the  way,  and  once 
again  was  the  attempt  to  people  the  West  Indies  at  the 
expense  of  New  England  a failure.’®  English  and  Ameri- 
can Puritanism  were  divergent  to  the  last.  Other  intimate 
links  connecting  Providence  with  the  “Western  Design” 
might  be  demonstrated,  but  even  what  has  here  been 
touched  upon  would  seem  sufficient  to  prove  that  it  was 
from  his  own  life-long  friends,  from  those  who,  like 
Warwick,  had  made  war  upon  the  Spaniard  a perpetual 

12  Hid.,  p.  164. 

13  Strong  deals  with  the  whole  of  this  controversy  in  his  article  in  the 
jReport  of  the  American  Historical  Association  for  1898,  pp.  77-94.  See 
also  correspondence  with  Daniel  Gookin  in  Thurloe,  State  Papers,  IV ; Life 
of  Daniel  Goohin,  Chs.  IX,  X. 


LATER  INFLUENCES 


325 


duty,  that  Cromwell  derived  the  inspiration  for  that 
“Western  Design”  and  for  that  Spanish  war,  that 
formed  so  important  a part  of  his  foreign  policy.  He 
may  have  emulated  Gustavus  Adolphus,  he  may  have 
talked  with  Thomas  Gage,  but  it  was  the  Elizabethan 
tradition,  handed  down  through  the  members  of  the 
Providence  Company,  that  decided  his  course. 

It  would  be  wrong  to  assume  that  the  traditional  policy 
of  hostility  against  Spain  had  entirely  expended  its  force 
when  it  led  to  the  despatch  of  the  Jamaica  expedition. 
For  a few  years  longer  it  continued  to  move  the  minds 
of  men  who  had  a large  influence  on  England’s  colonial 
policy,  and  it  was  only  with  the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts 
and  the  advent  to  power  of  fresh  men  with  a new  out- 
look on  world  affairs  that  the  long  chapter  was  closed 
and  it  was  seen  that  it  was  no  longer  the  Spaniards  but 
the  Dutch  whose  commercial  rivalry  England  had  to 
fear  in  the  western  seas.  In  all  his  colonial  adminis- 
tration Cromwell  was  personally  influenced  by  a group 
of  London  merchants  upon  whom  he  constantly  called 
for  advice  and  whom  he  placed  upon  the  many  com- 
mittees and  councils  established  to  look  after  trade 
affairs.^*  Among  these  men  an  important  part  was 
played  by  Martin  Noell  and  Thomas  Povey,  to  the  last 
of  whom  more  than  to  any  one  else  England  owes  the 
beginnings  of  a definite  colonial  policy.  In  the  “Over- 
tures” of  1656-1657,  that  were  drawn  up  by  Noell  and 
Povey  and  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Select  Committee 
for  Trade  and  Foreign  Plantations,  we  find  the  following 
paragraph 

“That  [the  proposed  Council]  do  use  their  utmost 
industry  and  endeavour  for  the  promoting  those  begin- 

C.  M.  Andrews,  British  Commissions,  etc.,  J.  H.  U.  Studies,  XXVI,  37. 

15  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2395,  fo.  99,  Povey ’s  draft.  For  all  this  matter  see 
Andrews,  op.  cit.,  pp.  38-60. 


326 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


nings  his  Highness  hath  made  at  Jamaica  both  within 
itself  and  in  order  to  further  attempts  upon  the  Span- 
iard. And  that  they  do  give  encouragements  (and 
rewards  if  they  shall  be  deserved)  to  such  as  bring  any 
considerable  intelligence  or  information,  and  shall  receive 
and  debate  and  favour  all  such  propositions  as  shall  be 
tendered  to  them  either  for  the  making  further  dis- 
coveries or  attempts  upon  any  of  the  Spanish  Domin- 
ions, or  that  shall  desire  by  ships  of  war  to  make  prize 
of  any  of  his  ships  or  goods  in  those  Indias,  that  thereby 
Merchants  and  others  may  be  invited  either  by  them- 
selves in  their  own  ships  and  persons,  or  by  a joint  stock, 
to  adventure  upon  some  laudable  undertaking  in  some 
of  those  parts.” 

We  have  here  a continuance  of  the  old  tradition  that 
would  give  governmental  sanction  and  support  to  such 
a warfare  of  privateers  as  that  carried  on  by  the  old 
Providence  Company.  The  merchants  went  so  far  as 
to  propose  the  incorporation  by  Act  of  Parliament  of 
a company,  to  be  known  as  the  West  India  Company, 
for  the  express  purpose  of  attacking  Spanish  towns, 
interrupting  the  treasure  fleet,  and  driving  the  Spaniards 
from  their  control  in  the  West  Indies  and  South  America. 
The  project  went  very  far  towards  completion  and 
among  Povey’s  papers'®  we  have  many  drafts  and 
counter-drafts  of  projects  that  show  what  serious  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  the  matter.  The  proposals  were  pre- 
sented to  the  Council  of  State  after  Cromwell’s  death, 
but  the  times  were  unpropitious'^  for  their  acceptance  and 

18  Brit.  Mus.,  Eg.,  2395,  fos.  89-113  and  202-237.  See  also  Povey’s  Letter 
Book,  Add.  MSS.,  11411. 

17  “ In  1659  business  in  the  city  was  so  poor  that  some  merchants  visited 
it  only  rarely;  while  through  want  of  employment,  a great  number  of  poor 
families  were  in  danger  of  perishing,  and  the  burden  of  relieving  them  in 
some  wards  was  found  almost  insupportable,”  Scott,  Joint  Stock  Companies, 
II,  130. 


CONCLUSION 


327 


after  1659  nothing-  more  is  heard  of  them.  When  in 
November,  1659,  the  harsh  provisions  of  the  Peace  of 
the  Pyrenees  demonstrated  to  the  world  that  the  power 
of  the  Spanish  Colossus  was  irretrievably  at  an  end,  a 
new  era  was  opened  in  colonial  affairs  as  in  so  many 
other  branches  of  world  politics.  The  newer  maritime 
powers  had  definitely  won  their  right  to  share  in  the 
exploitation  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  and,  although 
ten  years  were  to  elapse  before  Spain  would  acknowl- 
edge her  defeat  in  the  treaty  of  1670,  the  further  use- 
lessness of  the  Elizabethan  tradition  was  demonstrated 
to  all  Englishmen.  It  had  long  been  felt  by  many  that 
legalised  piracy  was  compromising  to  the  dignity  of  a 
great  nation,  and  though  Morgan  and  his  ruffians  were 
yet  to  sack  Panama,  and  Esquemeling  was  yet  to  harrow 
the  minds  of  Western  Europe  by  his  stories  of  the  bucca- 
neers and  their  exploits,  it  was  as  pirates  that  they 
fought — in  defiance  of  their  governments  and  with  ever- 
increasing  ferocity  and  a determination  to  profit  not 
only  at  the  expense  of  the  Spaniards  hut  of  all  honest 
men.  As  Major  Robert  Sedgwick  wrote  in  1655,^*  so 
after  1660  it  became  universally  recognized  that  “this 
kind  of  marooning,  cruizing  West  Indian  trade  of  plun- 
dering and  burning  of  towns,  though  it  hath  been  long 
practised  in  these  parts,  yet  is  not  honourable  for  a 
princely  navy.” 

With  the  abandonment  of  Povey’s  project  for  a pri- 
vateering West  Indian  company  our  enquiry  comes  to 
its  natural  close.  It  has  ranged  over  the  whole  period 
of  England’s  colonial  beginnings  from  the  earliest  colon- 
ising of  Guiana  to  the  definite  formation  of  a colonial 
policy,  and  though  it  has  been  mainly  concerned  with  the 
history  of  a single  colonising  company  it  has,  owing  to 

18  Col.  Papers,  No.  35,  xxxii,  Nov.  14,  1655,  Maj.  Eobert  Sedgwick  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty. 


328 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


the  importance  of  the  members  of  the  company,  had  to 
touch  upon  many  points  in  the  history  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  Even  if  the  story  had  dealt  only  with  the  details 
of  the  life  of  the  Providence  colony  itself,  it  would  have 
been  worth  the  telling,  for  we  have  no  such  wealth  of 
information  concerning  any  other  of  the  first  West  Indian 
colonies  and  only  in  a few  cases  so  much  concerning  an 
early  chartered  company.  But  the  main  interest  has  not 
lain  in  this  direction;  it  has  rather  been  found  in  the 
light  which  the  career  of  the  company  throws  on  the 
course  of  English  history,  at  home  during  that  lull  of 
eleven  years  between  the  Petition  of  Right  and  the  Long 
Parliament,  when  Charles  I was  endeavouring  to  estab- 
lish his  personal  rule;  and  abroad  in  perpetuating  the 
Elizabethan  tradition  of  conflict  with  Spain  for  the  con- 
trol of  America  and  the  West  Indies,  which  had  not 
spent  its  course  until  in  the  days  of  the  Restoration 
fear  of  the  Spaniards  passed  permanently  away.  The 
purposes  and  activities  of  the  Providence  Company  are 
not  isolated  forces  operating  in  the  backwaters  of 
the  historical  current;  they  are  factors  contributing  in 
no  small  measure  to  the  outworking  of  important  phases 
in  the  parliamentary  and  colonising  influences  of  the 
time  and  as  such  deserve  to  take  a sufficiently  prominent 
place  in  the  narrative  as  not  to  mask  their  historical 
significance. 

The  close  relation  between  the  leaders  of  the  great 
migration  to  New  England  and  the  men  who  had  directed 
the  activities  of  the  Virginia  and  Somers  Islands  com- 
panies has  been  demonstrated  in  many  of  our  pages, 
and  their  intimacy  vdth  the  principal  English  Puritans 
has  also  been  made  apparent.  It  has  been  shown  that 
all  these  men  were  united  by  ties  of  relationship  and  by 
community  of  interest  in  a very  near  degree,  and  we  have 
been  enabled  to  cast  some  fresh  light  upon  the  careers 


CONCLUSION 


329 


of  two  men  of  commanding  influence  in  the  struggle 
against  absolute  monarchy.  The  obscurity  that  has 
veiled  the  life  of  John  Pym  from  the  dissolution  of  1629 
to  the  opening  of  the  Short  Parliament  has  been  some- 
what cleared,  and  we  have  shown  that  during  that  period 
he  was  playing  a very  active  part  in  national  life.  In 
the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Providence  Com- 
pany he  was  developing  that  massive  breadth  of  judg- 
ment and  that  sagacious  instinct  for  the  right  moment 
that  were  to  make  him  for  two  crowded  years  “King 
Pym,”  the  master  of  his  country.  The  measure,  the 
foresight,  and  the  rare  power  in  times  of  high  contention 
of  singling  out  the  central  issues  and  choosing  the  best 
battle  ground, — all  these  were  perfected  in  those  eleven 
years ; the  industry,  the  patient  persistence,  and  the  tire- 
less energy  whereto  he  then  had  schooled  himself,  he 
could  apply,  when  the  time  came,  to  some  of  the  gravest 
problems  that  have  confronted  an  English  statesman. 
The  work  of  Robert  Rich,  too,  has  been  touched  upon  at 
many  points,  and  we  have  noted  how  he  had  some  share 
in  the  foundation  of  almost  every  English  colony  of  his 
time.  His  great  influence  in  the  central  government 
during  the  Civil  War  was  the  natural  sequel  to  his 
activity  in  the  Puritan  councils  during  the  period  of 
absolutism.  His  inherited  position  as  a great  and  wealthy 
noble  made  his  house  a rallying  point  for  many  of  those 
who  disliked  innovations  in  church  and  state,  while  his 
natural  abilities  and  adventurous  spirit  made  him  take 
the  lead  in  many  directions  where  Lincoln’s  natural 
timidity  and  Saye’s  disagreeable  and  radical  temper 
debarred  them  from  success.  His  true  importance  as 
an  actor  in  the  historical  drama  has  hardly  yet  been 
properly  appreciated,  and  some  day,  no  doubt,  Warwick 
will  receive  his  due  meed  of  recognition  as  an  important 
figure  in  the  action  of  his  time. 


330 


PURITAN  COLONISATION 


The  field  of  West  Indian  history  after  the  period  of 
the  Spanish  conquest  is  as  yet  almost  virgin  soil  and  we 
have  here  been  able  only  in  the  briefest  way  to  indicate 
the  movements  that  were  going  on  where  they  were  of 
importance  to  our  immediate  subject.  The  Caribbean, 
that  under  Philip  II  was  a Spanish  sea,  became  during 
the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  a seething 
cauldron  into  which  were  poured  the  most  adventurous 
spirits  from  every  western  nation;  therein  worked  all 
the  passions  that  could  no  longer  find  their  outlet  on 
their  native  soil.  Huguenot  and  Leaguer,  Puritan  and 
Arminian,  Hollander,  Swede,  and  Courlander,  all  could 
hope  for  fighting,  adventure,  and  booty  from  the  Span- 
iard. Their  hopes  of  riches  might  be  disappointed  and 
they  might  be  compelled  to  take  to  peaceful  planting  in 
the  islands  they  had  wrested  from  him,  or  to  smuggling 
with  his  colonists  and  slaves,  but  the  end  of  the  struggle 
was  the  same  for  all.  When  with  the  pacification  of 
Europe  peace  came  to  the  western  seas,  Spain  had  lost  all 
she  was  to  lose  for  a hundred  and  fifty  years  and  the  other 
nations  were  fixed  in  the  outer  ring  of  islands,  which 
from  barren  volcanic  rocks  they  were  to  convert  during 
the  eighteenth  century  into  some  of  the  richest  and  most 
populous  spots  in  the  world.  Throughout  our  pages 
this  theme  has  never  been  far  away  and  it  has  provided, 
perhaps,  the  principal  justification  for  their  writing. 
If  the  work  has  contributed  anything  to  illustrate  the 
development  of  the  policy  of  hostility  to  Spain  from  its 
full  vigour  to  its  final  close,  its  purpose  has  been  achieved. 


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INDEX 


Absenteeism,  Eegulations  against,  159. 

Adventurers  in  Providence  Company,  principal  leaders  of  opposition  to 
Charles  I,  3;  list  of,  59;  classification  of,  60;  their  aims  in  founding 
the  colony,  117.- 

Adventurers  in  Tortuga  Company,  105 ; vest  their  rights  in  Brooke,  Pym  and 
Saye,  215. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  42  note,  85. 

Algiers,  pirates,  265. 

Amboyna,  massacre  at,  138. 

America,  settlements  in  at  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century,  17 ; route 
for  sailing  to,  17;  settlements  in  1631,  85. 

Argali,  Samuel,  discovers  northern  route  to  Virginia,  18;  connected  with 
the  voyage  of  the  Treasurer,  21. 

Armada,  the,  194. 

Ashman,  Dutch  West  India  merchant,  212. 

Association,  see  Tortuga. 

Aston,  deputy-governor  of  St.  Christopher,  102. 

Axe,  Andrew,  266. 

Axe,  Capt.  Samuel,  entrusted  with  fortification  of  Providence,  54;  member 
of  council,  94;  commander  of  Warwick  Fort,  96;  quarrels  with  Elfrith, 
156;  settles  at  Moskito  cays,  156,  165;  returns  to  Providence,  196; 
his  plan  of  the  island,  206;  commander  of  the  Swallow,  266;  in  charge 
of  Cape  trade,  272;  description  of  the  Cape,  274;  escapes  from 
capture  at  Providence,  315;  vice-admiral  in  Jackson’s  voyage,  315. 

Ayscue,  Sir  George,  319. 

Ball,  William,  stockholder,  126. 

Barbadoes,  first  settlement  in,  29;  absentee  landlordism  in,  159;  emigra- 
tion from,  to  Providence,  279. 

Barber,  Gabriel,  his  life,  63;  paid  out  of  Providence  Company,  124. 

Barbuda,  Hilton  attempts  to  colonise,  102. 

Barnardiston,  Thomas,  stockholder,  127. 

Barrington,  Lady  Joan,  65. 

Barrington,  Sir  John,  petitions  House  of  Lords,  308. 

Barrington,  Sir  Thomas,  his  MSS.,  10;  his  life,  64;  suffers  in  the  Forest 
Court,  175;  letter  to,  190;  how  regarded  by  his  contemporaries,  313. 

Bell,  Capt.  Philip,  governor  of  Bermuda,  30,  94;  letter  to  Sir  N.  Rich 
(1629),  31;  resigns  governorship,  54;  his  marriage,  55;  appointed 
governor  of  Providence,  93 ; early  life,  93 ; quells  religious  quarrels, 
114,  161;  regulations  for  decorum,  162;  supersession,  216;  disputes 
with  the  company,  218;  later  life,  219. 

Bell,  Sir  Robert,  218. 


332 


INDEX 


Bermuda  or  Somers  Is.,  claimed  by  Virginia  Company,  20;  company 
formed,  20;  succession  of  governors  in,  30;  Commons’  committee  of 
enquiry,  31,  75;  Governor  Bell  resigns,  54;  troubles  respecting  sale  of 
commodities,  112;  emigrants  to  Providence,  113;  religious  difidculties, 
114;  land  of  Providence  Company  in,  124;  captured  goods  deposited, 
226. 

Billinger,  Cornelius,  shipmaster,  224. 

Black  Point  Eiver  (New  England),  141. 

Blauvelt  or  Blewfield,  Abraham,  explores  the  Main,  272;  disposes  of  his 
booty  in  Ehode  Island,  274. 

Blessing,  ship,  despatched  as  man-of-war,  224;  voyage  and  capture,  231. 

Blewfields  Bay  (Jamaica),  273. 

Blewfields  Eiver  or  Escondido,  273. 

Bluefields,  see  Blewfields. 

Boswell,  William,  stockholder,  127 ; his  share  in  the  Carolana  project,  214. 

Bourchier,  Sir  John,  member  of  New  England  Council,  36;  friendship  with 
the  Barringtons,  65. 

Boynton,  Sir  Matthew,  interested  in  Saybrook,  179;  abandons  his  projected 
emigration,  185. 

Bragg,  Capt.  Eichard,  Tortuga  adventurer,  105;  in  Nevis,  152. 

Brazil,  Dutch  successes  in,  86,  238;  Spanish  efforts  for  recapture  of,  297. 

Buccaneers,  settlements  in  Hispaniola,  104.  See  Esquemeling. 

Butler,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  letter  to  Earl  of  Warwick,  22;  malfeasance  as 
governor  of  Bermuda,  23 ; governor  of  Providence,  239 ; early  life,  251 ; 
sides  against  Sherrard,  255;  buccaneering  cruise,  257;  allows  Spaniards 
to  land  in  Providence,  299. 

Calvert,  Sir  George,  first  Lord  Baltimore,  85. 

Camock,  Capt.  Sussex,  commander  in  first  Providence  voyage,  52;  com- 
mands expedition  to  Main,  141;  proceedings  at  the  Cape,  165;  dealings 
with  privateers,  227 ; returns  to  England,  272. 

Camock,  Capt.  Thomas,  settles  in  New  England,  141. 

Cape  Eiver,  Wanks  or  Segovia,  16.5,  275. 

Carolana,  9,  213. 

Cartagena,  194,  299. 

Carter,  Capt.  Andrew,  sent  out  by  Woodcock,  229;  quarrels  with  Sherrard, 
252 ; appointed  deputy-governor,  257 ; sends  ministers  as  prisoners  to 
England,  257;  his  tyranny,  268;  kills  Spanish  prisoners,  298;  sur- 
renders the  island,  301;  command  in  Jamaica  expedition,  323. 

Chamberlayne,  Abraham,  merchant,  151. 

Charity,  ship,  voyage  of,  109,  129  sqq. 

Charles  I,  absolutism  of,  173;  appealed  to  by  Providence  Company,  202; 
tortuous  foreign  policy,  206,  236;  refuses  permission  for  the  sale  of 
Providence,  238. 

Cheeke,  Sir  Thomas,  stockholder,  126. 


INDEX 


333 


Church  affairs  in  Providence,  directions  concerning,  95,  119;  religious 
worship  at  the  Main,  143;  difficulties  of  the  theocratic  temper,  160; 
constant  quarrels,  252  sqq. 

Cimarones  in  Darien,  136;  in  Hispaniola,  191. 

Claiborne,  William,  founds  trading  post  in  Isle  of  Kent,  85 ; founds  colony  in 
Euatan,  267;  its  struggles  and  end,  315. 

Coke,  Sir  John,  Sec.  of  State,  proposes  the  formation  of  an  English  West 
India  Company,  28 ; memorandum  concerning  Providence  Company, 
204;  letter  from  Spain  to,  233. 

Collins,  Joseph,  shipmaster,  142. 

Colonies,  essential  difference  between  Spanish  and  other,  187. 

Connecticut,  Woodcock’s  enterprise  in,  228;  see  Saybrook. 

Constitution  of  government  in  Providence,  92;  proposed  for  Saybrook,  181. 

Conway,  Sir  Edward,  is  granted  rights  of  reprisal,  224. 

Costa  Eica,  trade  of,  195. 

Cotton  in  Providence,  147,  262. 

Courteen,  Sir  William,  finances  the  first  settlement  in  Barbadoes,  29; 
secures  the  support  of  Ley,  Earl  of  Marlborough,  30;  his  daughter 
marries  Eichard  Knightley,  70. 

Cradock,  Matthew,  first  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  47. 

Cromwell,  Elizabeth,  n6e  Bourchier,  36,  65. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  Lord  Protector,  connection  with  Providence  Company,  4; 
relationship  with  the  Barringtons,  65;  story  of  his  projected  emigra- 
tion, 172  sqq.;  his  “Western  Design,’’  314,  320;  letter  concerning 
Providence,  323 ; attempts  to  secure  New  England  colonists  for 
Jamaica,  324. 

Crops  and  commodities  in  Providence  and  the  Main,  113,  146  sqq.,  166. 

Curasao,  Spanish  attempt  at  capture,  187. 

Customs,  application  for  abatement  of,  211. 

Darien,  projected  Indian  trade,  136  sqq. ; honour  paid  to  the  name  of 
Drake,  138;  failure  of  the  project  owing  to  Dutch  brutality,  138. 

Darley,  Henry,  his  life,  125;  interest  in  New  England,  126;  secures  support 
for  Saybrook,  179. 

Declaration  of  Providence  Company  to  King  in  Council,  202;  reply  thereto, 
204. 

Declaration  touching  Public  Worship,  43. 

Delahay,  Capt.,  214. 

Delbridge,  John,  interloping  trade  with  Bermuda,  30. 

De  Leau,  Abraham,  267. 

Dell,  Capt.  John,  267. 

De  Poincy,  French  governor  of  St.  Christopher,  281. 

Desaguadero  or  San  Juan  Eiver,  194;  Jackson’s  raid,  268. 

De  Sance,  Huguenot  leader,  213. 

D’Esnambuc,  Sieur,  settles  in  St.  Christopher,  28,  214. 

D’Ewes,  Sir  Simonds,  letter  from  Moundeford  to,  249. 


334 


INDEX 


Ditloff,  Mr.,  minister,  119;  accused  of  levity  of  conduct,  120;  suspends 
Halhead  from  the  sacrament,  160. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  honoured  by  Darien  Indians,  138;  and  by  the  Moskitos, 
144. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  joins  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  46. 

Dutchmen  in  Providence,  precautions  concerning,  97 ; ill  behaviour  at 
Darien,  138;  interloping  trade  at  Providence,  154. 

Dye-stuffs,  new  materials  for,  107;  law-suit  concerning  logwood,  151. 

Dyke,  John,  arranges  for  first  Providence  voyage,  50;  deputy-governor  of 
Providence  Company,  60;  his  life,  63;  sharp  practice  in  provisioning 
the  Seaflower,  90,  112;  malpractices  in  Bermuda,  112;  paid  out,  124. 

Elfrith,  Daniel,  exploits  in  the  Treasurer,  21,  31,  51;  early  life,  50;  com- 
mands first  expedition  to  Providence,  50;  second  voyage,  52;  attacked 
in  Bermuda  council,  55 ; refuses  governorship  of  Providence  and  becomes 
admiral,  93;  directed  to  sail  for  new  commodities,  98,  140;  roving 
voyages,  154;  quarrels  with  Axe,  156;  leads  a party  in  the  island, 
217,  252;  attacked  by  the  Puritans,  253. 

Elisabeth,  pinnace,  135;  voyage,  138. 

Eliot,  Sir  John,  intemperate  speeches  in  Parliament,  44;  committed  to  the 
Tower,  45. 

Emigrants,  classification  of,  89 ; places  of  origin,  91 ; freedom  from  restric- 
tion, 250;  causes  tending  to  facilitate  emigration,  309. 

Endecott,  John,  sails  on  first  Massachusetts  voyage,  42;  hostility  to 
Humphry,  286. 

Esquemeling,  his  untrustworthiness  and  sensationalism,  280  note. 

Essex,  Mr.,  planter,  killed  by  Spaniards,  113;  foments  discontent,  115;  his 
papers  found,  115. 

Eulate,  Juan  de,  governor  of  Margarita,  destroys  settlements  in  Trinidad 
and  Tobago,  189. 

Evertsen,  Richard,  shipmaster,  192. 

Expectation,  ship,  171,  195;  despatched  as  man-of-war,  224;  her  eventful 
voyage,  230. 

Family,  the  artificial,  in  Providence,  97,  222,  259. 

Fenwick,  George,  settles  in  Saybrook,  180;  left  to  manage  the  settlement, 
185;  sells  out  to  the  Connecticut  towns,  185. 

Feoffees  for  Impropriations,  70  note. 

Fiennes,  James,  stockholder,  126. 

Fiennes,  William,  first  Viscount  Saye  and  Sele,  his  life,  65;  a patentee  of 
Saybrook,  83;  suffers  in  the  Forest  Courts,  175;  his  proposed  constitu- 
tion for  Saybrook,  181 ; determines  to  test  the  legality  of  ship-money, 
241;  announces  his  intention  of  emigrating,  244;  distrust  of  him  in 
New  England,  287 ; replies  to  Winthrop ’s  protest,  288. 

Fiennes-Clinton,  Theophilus,  fourth  Earl  of  Lincoln,  an  important  Puritan 
leader,  46;  son-in-law  of  Saye,  66;  loans  from,  128. 


INDEX 


335 


Filby,  Samuel,  emigrant  to  Association,  109;  letter  to  Barrington,  152;  his 
death,  193;  his  wife  escapes  from  Association,  193;  but  returns,  212. 

Finch,  Sir  John,  175. 

Fitch,  Thomas,  clerk  of  stores  in  Providence,  94;  deputy-governor,  305. 

Fload,  a servant,  his  ill  treatment,  158. 

Florida  Channel,  Hilton’s  plan  for  seizing  islands,  135. 

“Flota,”  the,  194. 

Floud  or  Floyd,  Eoger,  sheriff  of  Providence,  94;  letter  to  Sir  N.  Eich, 
227;  governor  of  Tortuga,  280. 

Fonseca  or  San  Bernaldo,  mythical  island,  132  sqq. 

Forbes,  Lord,  246. 

Forman,  Thomas,  smith,  quarrel  with  Eous,  157. 

Fort,  Black  Eock^  97. 

Fort,  Barley,  96. 

Fort,  Henry,  96. 

Fort,  Warwick,  erection  and  situation,  53;  commanded  by  Samuel  Axe,  96; 
finishing  of,  113. 

Friars  in  Providence,  299,  301. 

Fuemayor,  Euiz  Fernandez  de,  captures  Tortuga,  193. 

Gage,  Thomas,  his  account  of  Providence,  231. 

Gardiner,  Lyon,  builds  Say  brook  fort,  180. 

Gawsell,  Gregory,  Providence  adventurer,  77. 

Gerbier,  Sir  Balthasar,  English  agent  in  Flanders,  264. 

Gerrard,  Sir  Gilbert,  Bart.,  Providence  adventurer,  68. 

Golden  Falcon,  pinnace,  141,  142. 

Gondomar,  Diego  Sarmiento  d ’Acuna,  Conde  de,  22;  appeals  to  Privy  Coun- 
cil against  Bermuda  colonists,  24;  compels  the  abandonment  of  North’s 
Guiana  enterprise,  27. 

Goose,  Elijah,  Massachusetts  colonist,  292. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  interest  in  New  England  Council,  81;  his  Brief e 
Narration,  82;  breach  with  Warwick,  174;  influence  in  New  England 
Council,  174. 

Gracios  a Dios,  Cape,  design  for  trade  at,  140;  its  situation,  164,  275. 

Graunt,  John,  Providence  adventurer,  77. 

Great  Contract,  the,  310. 

Greville,  Eobert,  second  Lord  Brooke,  his  early  life,  66;  a patentee  of 
Saybrook,  83;  suffers  in  the  Forest  Courts,  175;  offers  to  take  over  the 
whole  work  of  the  Providence  Company,  210. 

Guiana,  early  expeditions  to,  26;  patent  for  North’s  company,  89. 

Guinea  Company,  founded  to  engage  in  traffic  for  negroes,  25. 

Gurdon,  John,  Providence  adventurer,  77. 

Half-profit  system,  223. 

Halhead,  Henry,  commands  passengers  in  the  Charity,  129;  causes  of  his 
emigration,  129;  writer  against  enclosures,  130;  quarrel  with  Eev. 
Arthur  Eous,  157 ; suspended  from  the  sacrament,  160. 


336 


INDEX 


Hampden,  John,  relationship  with  the  Knightleys,  70;  a patentee  for 
Saybrook,  83;  story  of  his  projected  emigration,  172  sqq.;  arbitrator 
in  Bell’s  case,  218;  presence  at  Puritan  meetings,  242. 

Sappy  Return,  ship,  234,  263. 

Harbottle,  Matthew,  master  of  the  Little  Hopewell,  106;  master  of  the 
Elisabeth,  135,  137;  master  of  the  Spy,  267. 

Harcourt,  Eobert,  patent  for  colony  in  Guiana,  26. 

Hart,  John,  helps  the  Tortuga  colonists,  104;  husband  of  Providence 
Company,  106;  supplies  ordnance  without  authority,  153. 

Harwood,  Sir  Edward,  Providence  adventurer,  68. 

Hay,  James,  first  Earl  of  Carlisle,  supports  Warner’s  enterprise  in  the 
Caribbees,  31;  his  dealings  with  Anthony  Hilton,  103. 

Heath,  Sir  Eobert,  attorney  general,  his  colony  of  Carolana,  9,  213;  mem- 
orandum on  West  Indian  colonisation,  29;  his  financial  backing  by 
Vassall,  213. 

Hein,  Piet,  his  capture  of  the  Plate  Fleet,  188. 

Henrietta  or  San  Andreas  Island,  geography  of,  12;  shallops  built  in,  150; 
use  as  a privateering  base,  227. 

Herbert,  Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Montgomery,  obtains  a West  Indian 
patent,  30,  133;  refuses  to  subscribe  to  the  Fonseca  design,  134;  sells 
his  rights  in  the  West  Indies  to  Warwick,  267. 

Hilton,  Capt.  Anthony,  early  life,  101 ; settles  in  St.  Christopher,  102 ; 
governor  of  Nevis,  102;  leads  an  expedition  to  Tortuga,  103;  appointed 
governor  of  Tortuga  (Association),  105;  misappropriates  the  com- 
pany’s logwood,  109,  151,  212;  orders  for  his  supersession,  153;  his 
death,  153. 

Hilton,  John,  211. 

Hispaniola,  settlements  in,  191. 

Hopewell,  ship,  224. 

Howard,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arundel,  237. 

Huguenots  in  St.  Christopher  and  Tortuga,  281. 

Humphry,  John,  treasurer  of  the  Dorchester  fishing  company,  41;  deprived 
of  his  office  of  attorney  in  the  Court  of  Wards,  45;  imparts  an  interest 
in  colonisation  to  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  46 ; left  to  supervise  Massachu- 
setts affairs  in  England,  80;  letter  from,  81;  a patentee  for  Saybrook, 
83;  leader  of  the  discontented  in  Massachusetts,  286;  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  Providence,  292;  letter  to  MandevUle,  292. 

Hunks,  Sir  Henry,  governor  of  Barbadoes,  216. 

Hunt,  John,  member  of  Providence  council,  94. 

Hunt,  Capt.  Eobert,  recommended  by  Lord  Brooke  for  governor,  217;  his 
agreement,  219;  his  governorship,  252. 

Hunt,  Thomas,  secretary  of  Providence,  reproved  by  company  for  careless- 
ness, 157. 

Hunter,  ship,  153. 


INDEX 


337 


Indians,  rules  for  behaviour  to,  138;  Axe’s  troubles  with,  275;  see  also 
Moskito  Coast. 

Intoxicants,  orders  concerning,  118. 

Jackson,  Capt.  William,  brings  great  booty,  267 ; his  great  voyage  of  1642, 
315  sqq.;  captures  Jamaica,  316. 

Jamaica,  captured  by  Jackson,  316. 

James  [William],  president  of  Tortuga,  280. 

James,  ship,  216,  235. 

Jenks,  Thomas,  clerk  of  stores  in  Providence,  94. 

Jessop,  William,  his  letter  book,  9;  secretary  of  Providence  Company,  60; 
early  life,  62;  clerk  of  the  Saybrook  patentees,  177;  has  control  over 
colonal  affairs,  318;  intimacy  with  Milton,  322. 

Jesus  Maria  de  Ajuda,  ship,  302. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  joins  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  46;  letter  from,  80; 
letter  to,  81. 

Johnson,  Alderman  Kobert,  attacks  the  Sandys  administration,  21. 

Judiee,  Nicolas  de,  attacks  Providence,  193,  196. 

Justices  of  the  peace,  appointed  in  Providence,  158. 

Kempo  Sabada,  Providence  pilot,  serves  in  the  Jamaica  expedition,  323. 

Key,  Samuel,  minister  in  Association,  110;  goes  as  minister  to  the  Cape, 
227. 

Kirke,  the  brothers,  85. 

Knightley,  Richard,  his  life,  69;  a patentee  for  Saybrook,  83;  Puritan 
meetings  at  his  house,  242. 

La  Gallissonniere  Rock,  see  Fonseca. 

La  Gonaive  or  El  Caimito,  191. 

Land  Tenure  in  Providence,  222. 

Lane,  Richard,  commands  expedition  to  Darien,  137;  nominated  for  deputy- 
governor  of  Providence,  257 ; sent  as  prisoner  to  England,  258. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  his  repressive  policy  as  bishop  of  St.  David’s,  91; 
metropolitical  visitation,  175;  becomes  head  of  the  Treasury,  176; 
takes  an  interest  in  colonial  affairs,  182;  unfavourable  notice  drawn 
to  Massachusetts,  183;  his  dogmatic  temper,  283. 

Lefroy,  Maj.  Gen.  Sir  J.  H.,  clears  up  confusion  between  Old  and  New 
Providence,  8. 

Le  Vasseur,  Sieur,  captures  Tortuga,  282. 

Leverton,  Rev.  Nicholas,  early  life,  254;  refugee  in  Providence,  255;  sent 
prisoner  to  England,  257 ; returns  to  the  West  Indies,  305. 

Little  Hopewell,  ship,  106;  her  voyage,  108. 

Littleton,  Thomas,  finances  Hilton,  102;  attempts  to  collect  his  debts,  152. 

Litton,  Judith,  second  wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  65. 

Logwood,  see  Dye-stuffs. 

Long  Parliament,  its  work  begun  in  the  courts  of  the  chartered  companies, 
2;  its  permanent  session  as  a bar  to  the  recovery  of  debts,  308. 

Long  Boiert,  ship,  169,  272. 


338 


INDEX 


Main,  the  directions  for  trade  at,  140,  142;  new  patent  for  trade,  168; 
Spanish  trade  on,  194;  exploration  of,  272;  Saye’s  description  of  his 
project  for  colonisation,  289;  see  also  Moskito  Coast. 

Maldonado  y Tejada,  Don  Antonio,  attacks  Providence,  297. 

Manchester  MSS.  in  the  Public  Kecord  Office,  10. 

Mary,  ship,  265. 

Mary  Hope,  ship,  216,  235. 

Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  receives  grant  of  land  from  Warwick,  42; 
government  transferred  to  America,  47 ; George  Harwood,  first  treasurer 
of,  69;  Winthrop  sails  for  America,  80;  letter  to  Gov.  Endecott  re 
tobacco,  147. 

Massachusetts,  colony  of,  comparison  of  with  Providence,  121,  309;  dif- 
ference from  other  colonies,  123;  emigration  at  its  height,  173; 
development  of  theocracy,  283;  causes  for  discouragement  in,  286. 

Merrifield,  Ealph,  finances  Warner’s  enterprise  in  St.  Christopher,  28; 
obtains  letters  patent  for  the  colony,  29. 

Mersh,  Giles,  commands  the  Expectation,  230. 

Michell,  John,  stockholder,  126. 

Milton,  John,  his  manifesto  against  the  Spaniards,  321. 

Monkey  Bay,  273. 

Montagu,  Edward,  Viscount  Mandeville  and  Earl  of  Manchester,  Providence 
adventurer,  212;  letter  to,  265;  conducts  negotiations  with  the  dis- 
contented Massachusetts  colonists,  294. 

Morgan,  Lewis,  minister,  91;  foments  discontent  and  is  punished,  115. 

Moskito  Cays,  156,  165,  272. 

Moskito  Coast,  Indians  upon,  143;  regulations  for  dealing  with,  144;  Axe’s 
difficulties  with  the  Indians,  275. 

Moundeford,  Sir  Edmond,  Providence  adventurer,  77 ; letter  to  D ’Ewes,  249. 

Needham,  George,  planter  in  Henrietta,  111. 

Negroes,  introduced  into  Virginia,  35;  used  by  Hilton  in  Tortuga,  110; 
in  Providence,  149 ; negro  women  sent  to  Providence,  213 ; those 
captured  by  men-of-war  to  be  sent  to  Providence,  225;  increase  in 
number,  258;  sale  in  Virginia,  259;  rebellion,  261;  number  captured 
in  Providence,  301. 

Nevis,  first  colonisation  of,  102;  capture  by  the  Spaniards,  103. 

New  England,  connection  of  Providence  Company  with,  4;  proposals  to 
divert  emigration  from,  251 ; Providence  Puritans  apply  for  help  to, 
256;  disposal  of  captured  goods  in,  262;  contrast  between  New  England 
and  Providence,  278;  Cromwell  attempts  to  secure  Jamaica  colonists 
from,  324. 

New  England  Council,  Warwick  becomes  member  of,  36;  territory  divided 
among  members  of,  42;  revival  of  interest  in,  81;  Warwick  resigns  the 
presidency  of,  and  Gorges  becomes  prime  mover  in,  174;  surrender  of 
charter  of,  175. 

Newman,  Lionel,  153. 


INDEX 


339 


Newman,  Capt.  Thomas,  his  roving  in  the  Hunter,  153;  secures  employment 
in  command  of  man-of-war,  234;  sends  booty  to  New  England,  262; 
captured  by  Dunkirkers,  263 ; his  subsequent  career,  264. 

Newport  (Ehode  Island),  base  for  privateers,  273. 

New  Westminster,  53,  151. 

Nicaragua,  trade  of,  194. 

Noell,  Martin,  325. 

North  Virginia  or  Plymouth  Company,  see  New  England  Council. 

North,  Capt.  Eoger,  expedition  to  Guiana,  27 ; patent  to  receive  parlia- 
mentary confirmation,  89. 

Nuesca,  Diego  de,  144. 

Nye,  Philip,  178;  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  184. 

Oaths,  to  be  administered  in  Providence,  93;  belief  in  the  prayer  book  for 
emigrants,  183. 

Ojeda,  Alonzo  de,  144. 

Opposition,  formation  of  an  organised,  240. 

Palmetto  Grove,  a negro  hiding  place,  150. 

Palatinate,  schemes  for  the  recovery  of  the,  236;  ships  to  be  lent  to  the 
elector,  237. 

Panzani,  Gregorio,  175. 

Parker,  Capt.  Nicholas,  267. 

Parliament,  power  to  confirm  Providence  patent,  88. 

Patent,  the  Providence  Company’s,  86sqq. ; is  extended  to  include  Tortuga, 
105;  new  patent  for  the  trade  on  the  Main,  168. 

Peace  treaty  between  England  and  Spain  (1604),  15;  id.  (1630),  95. 

Peirce,  Capt.  William,  New  England  shipmaster,  178,  260;  transports 
emigrants  from  Massachusetts  to  Providence,  293;  his  last  voyage  and 
death,  304. 

Pelham,  Herbert,  a patentee  for  Saybrook,  83. 

Penn,  Admiral,  leader  of  expedition  against  Hispaniola,  321. 

Pequot  Indians,  260. 

Petition  of  Eight,  42. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  sail  for  America,  36;  Warwick  secures  a patent  for, 
36;  not  of  national  importance,  49;  financed  by  London  merchants,  123. 

Pimienta,  Don  Francisco  Diaz  de,  attacks  and  captures  Providence,  298 
sqq.;  created  Knight  of  Santiago,  302. 

Pinas,  Isla  de,  137. 

Pirates  and  piracy,  great  increase  after  1607,  15;  roving  voyage  of  the 
Hunter,  153;  pirates  in  Providence,  154. 

Plague  of  1630,  57. 

Pole,  pinnace,  136. 

Population  of  Providence,  150. 

Porto  Bello,  trade  at,  195. 

Povey,  Thomas,  325. 


340 


INDEX 


Powell,  Capt.  John,  first  settler  in  Barbadoes,  29. 

Prerogative,  company's  objection  to,  162. 

Price,  Lieut.  Hugh,  member  of  Providence  council,  94. 

Privateering,  a prosaic  trade,  13 ; system  of  profit-sharing,  225 ; attractions 
of,  276. 

Providence  Company,  passim. 

Providence  or  Santa  Catalina,  island  of,  wealth  of  detail  concerning  its 
colonisation,  5 ; confusion  with  New  Providence,  7 ; geography  of,  12, 
204;  articles  for  the  government  of,  92;  topography  of,  150;  piracy 
from,  194;  Spanish  attack  on  (1635),  194;  contrast  vrith  New  Eng- 
land, 278;  Maldonado’s  attack  on  (1640),  297;  Pimienta’s  capture  of, 
299  sqq.;  English  account  of  the  capture,  302;  comparison  with 
Massachusetts,  309. 

Providence,  ship,  234,  263. 

Punt,  Thomas,  shipmaster,  129;  arraigned  before  the  company,  131. 

Punta  Araya,  salt  trade  with,  14;  suggestions  for  poisoning  foreign  pirates 
at,  19. 

Puritans,  essential  difference  between  English  and  American,  199;  intrigues 
of  English  leaders  with  Scots,  240;  ultra-Puritan  party  in  Providence 
appeal  to  New  England,  256,  285 ; breach  between  leaders  in  England 
and  America,  283. 

Pym,  John,  new  information  regarding,  in  Providence  records,  6;  appointed 
to  committee  on  Somers  Is.  Company,  31;  early  life,  70  sqq.;  interest 
in  colonial  affairs,  74;  a patentee  for  Saybrook,  83;  maintains  impor- 
tance of  Tortuga  plantation,  109;  suggests  the  use  of  negroes,  110; 
takes  oversight  of  supplies,  112;  his  scheme  for  removing  planters’ 
discontent,  118;  manages  finance,  128;  instructions  to  company’s 
ofScers,  137,  142 ; directions  for  dealing  with  Moskitos,  144 ; directions 
concerning  reprisals,  155;  appointed  to  draw  up  patent  for  trade  on 
the  Main,  167;  liberal  attitude  concerning  new  subscriptions,  167; 
complains  of  the  burden  of  the  treasurership,  170;  story  of  his  pro- 
jected emigration,  172  sqq.;  fined  for  remaining  in  London,  175;  his 
influence  with  Vane,  178;  traditional  hostility  to  Spain,  197;  speech  on 
foreign  policy,  198;  speech  on  carrying  on  the  Providence  design,  200; 
arranges  for  new  subscriptions  for  reprisals,  209;  offers  to  go  to 
Tortuga,  215;  works  out  new  scheme  of  landholding,  222;  endeavours 
to  secure  Eous’s  release  from  captivity,  232;  takes  charge  of  Puritan 
business  in  London,  244;  letter  to  Wandesford,  245;  becomes  immersed 
in  national  affairs,  294;  how  regarded  by  his  contemporaries,  313,  329. 

Band,  Dr.  Samuel,  Tortuga  adventurer,  104,  213. 

Eeprisals,  power  to  exact,  88 ; permission  granted  to  Providence  Company, 
207 ; directions  for  carrying  on,  220,  225 ; restriction  of  the  right  to 
company’s  ships,  235;  system  of  licensing  to  undertake,  266. 

Eeskeimer,  Capt.  Nicholas,  211,  213. 


INDEX 


341 


Eich,  Henry,  Lord  Kensington  and  Earl  of  Holland,  sent  with  marriage 
embassy  to  France,  37 ; quarrels  with  Carlisle,  48 ; governor  of  Provi- 
dence Company,  59;  his  connection  with  the  company,  61;  promises  to 
secure  patent  for  trade  on  the  Main,  167 ; influence  on  foreign  policy, 
237;  conveys  to  the  company  the  King’s  refusal  of  permission  for  the 
sale  of  Providence,  238. 

Eich,  Sir  Nathaniel,  letter  from  Bell  (1629),  31;  his  descent  and  life,  61;  a 
patentee  of  Saybrook,  83;  reimbursed  for  expenses  in  first  voyage, 
124;  restrictive  attitude  towards  new  subscriptions,  167;  endeavours 
to  discharge  debt,  170;  influence  with  Vane,  178;  letter  from  Henrietta 
to,  227. 

Eich,  Eobert,  third  Lord  Eich  and  first  Earl  of  Warwick,  his  fleet  of  pri- 
vateers, 16;  his  matrimonial  troubles,  21  note;  created  Earl  of 
Warwick,  34. 

Eich,  Eobert,  second  Earl  of  Warwick,  member  of  committee  of  Virginia 
Company,  21;  not  a court  tool  in  the  Virginia  quarrel,  25;  his  career 
to  1630,  34;  quarrels  with  East  India  Company,  35;  assists  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  36;  adventurer  for  Northwest  Passage,  37;  refuses  to  pay 
the  forced  loan,  37;  receives  commission  against  Spain,  38;  grants 
land  to  Humphry,  etc.,  42;  advises  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  48; 
revives  New  England  Council,  81 ; grants  patent  to  Saybrook  patentees, 
83;  quarrels  with  New  England  Council,  174;  suffers  in  the  Forest 
Courts,  175;  compelled  to  share  the  Lord  Lieutenancy  of  Essex,  175; 
derivation  of  his  colonial  ideas,  224;  fails  to  bring  to  trial  the  legality 
of  ship-money,  241;  his  intention  to  emigrate,  245;  purchases  Pem- 
broke ’s  rights  in  the  West  Indies,  267 ; engages  in  other  West  Indian 
schemes,  294,  314;  regard  in  which  held  by  his  contemporaries,  312, 
329 ; issues  commission  for  Jackson ’s  voyage,  316 ; acquires  control  of 
all  colonial  affairs,  318. 

Eishworth,  Samuel,  commands  passengers  in  Charity,  129;  aids  negroes  to 
escape,  149;  quarrels  with  the  governor,  252. 

Eobartes,  John,  afterwards  Earl  of  Eadnor,  Providence  adventurer,  75. 

Eobins,  Eobert,  his  sufferings,  268. 

Eochelle,  siege  of  by  Eichelieu,  42;  capture,  213. 

Eoe,  Sir  Thomas,  early  trading  voyage  to  Guiana,  26;  suggestions  for 
aiding  the  Queen  of  Bohemia,  237. 

Eoncador,  islet,  277. 

Eoope,  Nicholas,  shipowner,  119,  136. 

Eoot,  Eev.  Henry,  142;  report  on  condition  of  Providence,  164. 

Eous,  Sir  Anthony,  71. 

Eous,  Eev.  Arthur,  lecturer,  119;  quarrel  with  Halhead,  157;  his  son, 
Anthony,  serves  in  the  Jamaica  expedition,  323. 

Eous,  Francis,  afterwards  provost  of  Eton,  71,  72. 

Eous,  John,  diarist,  56. 


342 


INDEX 


Kous,  Capt.  William,  member  of  council,  94;  sails  in  Little  Hopewell,  108; 
quarrel  with  Forman,  157;  appointed  to  command  Blessing,  224; 
voyage  and  capture,  231  sqq. ; efforts  for  release,  233;  leads  troops  in 
Jackson’s  voyage,  316. 

Euatan,  Island,  settlement  in,  267;  its  struggles  and  end,  315. 

Eudyerd,  Capt.  William,  appointed  to  command  passengers  in  Seaftower, 
91;  member  of  council,  95;  commander  of  Fort  Henry,  96;  sails  in 
Little  Hopewell,  108;  charges  against  him,  118;  his  cruelty,  158;  dis- 
paragement of  Providence,  164;  governor  of  Association,  215;  com- 
mands James,  216;  commands  Mary  Hope,  235. 

Eussell,  family  of,  connection  with  Barringtons,  65;  Lord  Brooke  marries 
into,  68;  wealth  in  west  of  England,  72;  patrons  of  Oliver  St.  John, 
76;  interest  in  Puritan  cause,  243. 

St.  Brendan’s  Isle,  134. 

St.  Christopher,  island,  settled  by  Thomas  Warner,  27 ; French  settlement 
in,  28;  Hilton’s  settlement,  102;  capture  by  Spaniards,  103;  emigra- 
tion from  to  Providence,  279. 

St.  John,  Oliver,  afterwards  Lord  Chief  Justice,  interest  in  colonisation,  76; 
draws  Providence  patent,  86;  draws  patent  for  trade  on  the  Main, 
167 ; advises  the  company  in  the  dispute  with  Bell,  218. 

St.  Martin’s,  island,  capture  of,  189. 

Saltonstall,  Sir  Eichard,  a patentee  for  Saybrook,  83;  sends  men  into  the 
Connecticut  Valley,  177,  229. 

San  Bernaldo,  mythical  island,  see  Fonseca. 

Sandwich,  Sherrard’s  troubles  at,  306. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  appointed  treasurer  of  Virginia  Company,  21;  informs 
Privy  Council  of  the  voyage  of  the  Treasurer,  23. 

San  Nicolas  (Hispaniola),  Dutch  settlement  at,  191. 

Santa  Clara,  ship,  seized  at  Portsmouth,  265,  307. 

Santa  Lucia,  Bell’s  colony  in,  219. 

Santa  Marta,  attack  on,  231. 

Saybrook,  patent  for,  81  sqq.;  borrows  ordnance  of  Providence  Company, 
177;  settlement  begun,  180;  patentees  abandon  the  idea  of  emigration, 
185;  sold  to  the  Connecticut  towns,  185. 

Seaflower,  ship,  voyage  of,  90,  99;  attacked  by  the  Spaniards,  112. 

Seamen  in  privateering  voyages,  system  of  profit-sharing,  225. 

Selden’s  Mare  Clausum,  207. 

Servants  or  apprentices,  rules  governing,  90;  their  character  and  prospects, 
99;  bounties  paid  for  recruiting,  169;  their  life  in  Providence,  258. 

Sherland,  Christopher,  Providence  adventurer,  70. 

Sherrard,  Hope,  minister,  119;  commended,  161;  imprisoned  by  Bell,  163; 
his  betrothed  wife,  171;  letter  from,  190;  finds  an  ally,  255;  sent 
prisoner  to  England,  257;  protests  against  Carter’s  cruelties,  298; 
later  life,  306. 

Ship-money,  the  first  writ,  176;  the  second  writ,  184,  Chap.  X,  passim. 


INDEX 


343 


Silk-grass,  Camoek’s  flax  or  sisal  hemp,  148. 

Slany,  Humphrey,  leases  land  in  Bermuda  from  Providence  Company,  124. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  on  growth  of  piracy,  15;  his  government  of  Virginia,  92. 

Smythe,  Sir  Thomas,  20. 

Social  organisation  in  Providence,  97. 

Soubise,  Marquis  de,  213. 

Spain,  Elizabethan  hostility  to,  4;  protests  against  Newman’s  piracy,  154; 
comparative  amenity  of  war  with  England,  155 ; close  governmental  con- 
trol of  her  colonies,  187;  concerts  means  of  expelling  the  corsairs,  188  ; 
attack  on  Tortuga,  192;  attack  on  Providence,  196;  persistence  of  the 
tradition  of  hostility,  197;  negotiations  for  release  of  prisoners,  232; 
great  preparations  for  the  capture  of  Providence,  295;  impossibility  of 
clearing  the  West  Indies  from  foreigners,  296 ; Maldonado  attacks 
Providence,  297;  Pimienta’s  capture  of  Providence,  299  sqq. 

Spy,  ship,  266. 

Stiles,  Francis,  settler  in  Connecticut,  177. 

Styles,  Bartholomew,  minister,  169. 

Summers,  William,  settles  in  Tortuga,  229. 

Swallow,  ship,  266. 

Symonds,  John,  letter  to  Lord  Mandeville,  265. 

Tanner,  John,  master  of  Seafiower,  90,  100;  loses  an  eye  in  a Spanish  attack, 
113. 

Thompson,  Maurice,  265;  flnanees  Jackson’s  voyage,  315. 

Tobacco,  illicit  trade  at  Trinidad,  26;  in  Providence,  147. 

Tobago,  Spain  captures  from  the  Dutch,  189;  English  settlers  in,  254,  315. 

Tortuga  or  Association,  island  of,  geography  of,  12,  164;  Hilton  settles  in, 
103;  renamed,  107;  difficulties  concerning  dye-woods  in,  108;  a resort 
of  rovers,  192;  its  condition  in  1634,  192;  Spanish  capture  of,  193; 
arrangements  for  resettling,  211;  quarrels  between  English  and  French, 
214;  the  colonists  abandon  the  island,  216;  resettled  from  St.  Christo- 
pher, 279;  inhabitants  in  1640,  281;  French  capture  of,  281. 

Tortuga  Salada,  225. 

Trade,  regulations  for  Indian,  165;  general  course  in  the  West  Indies,  194; 
with  Dutch  ships  at  Providence,  221;  freedom  granted,  261. 

Treasurer,  ship,  21 ; her  voyage  to  Virginia,  35. 

Trinidad,  English  settlement  destroyed  by  Eulate,  189;  Warwick  com- 
mences settlement,  267,  315. 

Truebody,  Emmanuel,  292. 

Truxillo,  trade  of,  194;  surprised  by  Butler’s  expedition,  257. 

Upton,  John,  Providence  Company’s  agent  in  western  England,  126. 

Usselinex,  Willem,  points  to  the  West  Indies  as  a field  for  colonisation,  28. 

Vane,  Henry,  the  younger,  sails  for  New  England,  178;  his  government 
attacked,  284. 

Vassall,  Samuel,  213. 


344 


INDEX 


Villiers,  George,  first  Duke  of  Buckingham,  favors  the  Puritans,  37 ; 
murdered,  43. 

Virginia  Company,  foundation  of,  19;  falls  into  the  hands  of  a clique,  19; 
beginning  of  the  quarrel  in,  20;  enquiry  into  the  affairs  of,  24;  charter 
surrendered,  24. 

Wakeman,  Samuel,  304. 

Warner,  Sir  Thomas,  founds  a colony  in  St.  Christopher,  28;  his  dealings 
with  Anthony  Hilton,  102. 

Western  Design,  Cromwell’s,  314. 

West  India  Company  of  England,  proposals  for  the  formation  of,  28,  237, 
318,  326. 

West  India  Company  of  Holland,  foundation  of,  28;  success  in  Brazil,  86; 
casts  eyes  on  Association,  214;  overtures  for  purchase  of  Providence, 
238. 

Whale,  ship,  109,  111. 

White,  Eev.  John,  of  Dorchester,  proposes  to  foimd  a Puritan  colony,  41 ; 
financing  of  his  colonists  at  Cape  Ann,  123. 

William  and  Anne,  ship,  193,  212. 

Williams,  Eoger,  connected  with  Barringtons,  65;  views  on  negro  servitude, 
149. 

Winthrop,  John,  letter  to  his  wife,  45;  deprived  of  his  office  of  attorney 
in  the  Court  of  Wards,  45;  joins  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  46; 
takes  the  lead,  47;  letter  from  Isaac  Johnson  to,  80;  account  of 
Providence,  260;  government  attacked  for  lenity,  284;  protest  to  Saye, 
288;  rejoinder  to  Saye’s  reply,  290;  how  regarded  by  his  contempo- 
raries, 313. 

Winthrop,  John,  the  younger,  80;  returns  to  England,  176;  signs  an 
agreement  with  Saybrook  patentees,  177;  letters  to,  179,  184. 

Woodcock,  William,  husband  of  Providence  Company,  127 ; prepares  stores 
for  Saybrook,  177;  sends  out  man-of-war,  224;  proposes  to  finance  a 
settlement  on  Henrietta  Island,  228;  his  enterprise  in  Connecticut,  229. 

Wormeley,  Capt.  Christopher,  an  original  Tortuga  adventurer,  105;  governor 
of  Association,  153,  192;  his  cowardice  and  flight  to  Virginia,  198. 

Yeardley,  Capt.,  governor  of  Virginia,  22. 


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